To RER A, or to RER C? How Paris typifies the two models for cross-city commuter train lines

RER A, not quite in action. Image: Getty.

Since World War Two, some cities have sought to extend rapid transit into their suburbs by leveraging legacy commuter rail lines. Building on prewar examples from Berlin and Tokyo, they initiated a variety of treatments to modernise their commuter rail: electrification, integrated fares, high all-day frequency, and cross-city connections.

All this turns commuter rail into an express metro line. The city that has done the most in this direction is Paris, which since the 1970s has built a network called the RER, with five lines labeled A through E.

It is the cross-city connections that are the costliest to provide, since they almost always involve new tunnels under city center. Cities can build cross-city tunnels in two ways. One approach involves high investment: the tunnels are longer and involve several stations, often in difficult-to-construct locations. The main example is the RER A, whose construction involved about 17 km of new tunnel and seven underground stations, running on an east-west axis through central Paris.

The other approach is lower-investment: tunnels are the shortest possible connecting commuter rail terminals. The main example is the RER C, whose construction involved just 1 km of new tunnel and no new stations, creating an southeast-to-southwest line on the Left Bank of Paris.

A geographically accurate map of the RER network in central Paris. RER A is in red; RER C is in yellow. Image: Wikimedia Common.

This is a spectrum rather than a binary division: RER lines B, D, and E are intermediate between the high investment that went into the RER A and the low investment into the RER C. In layout, the RER B is quite similar to the RER A, but managed to leverage a legacy line reaching within 2 km of city center.

The same division between the two approaches holds outside Paris, too. In London, Thameslink is similar to the RER C, whereas Crossrail, with its long new tunnels, is like the RER A, as is the planned Crossrail 2. Berlin's North-South Tunnel from the 1930s, creating a new axis in the city complementing the older east-west Stadtbahn, is like the RER A.


North American projects, including the SEPTA Regional Rail tunnel in Philadelphia and the ongoing Toronto RER project, are both like the RER C. The Regional Rail tunnel connected two commuter rail terminals to create a mainline the shape of an inverted L, with some lines self-intersecting. Toronto is fortunate enough not to need new tunnels at all, since all commuter lines serve Union Station, some coming from the east and some from the west.

The main benefit of the RER C style is that it is much cheaper. It involves less tunneling, and the city can choose to build fewer stations. When tunneling deep underground, the stations are the most expensive element: for example, in New York's Second Avenue Subway, built deep to avoid street disruption, the tunnels cost $415m whereas the three new stations cost $2.2bn total. The central segment of the RER A cost about 5bn francs, corresponding to about €600m per kilometer in 2016 prices; no other rail tunnel in the world has cost so much except some New York lines and Crossrail. Crossrail, the other major modern example of this type of construction, is even costlier, perhaps £750m per kilometer.

The main benefit of the RER A style is that it lets commuter rail act as an express metro line. Such tunnels do not follow the shortest path between legacy terminals: both the RER A and Crossrail were designed as express east-west lines through city center, with stations connecting to most intersecting Metro or Underground lines. And they are not just commuter rail schemes but also relief lines for the busiest metro lines, namely Metro Line 1 and the Central line. RER C-style lines do not necessarily provide this: the RER C is parallel to Metro Line 10, the least busy in Paris.

Another metro-like property of the RER A is that it has a long trunk segment providing high frequency. This is also true of the RER C, but not necessarily of other RER C-style lines elsewhere. Thameslink's shared trunk is short, just between King's Cross and Blackfriars, and SEPTA's trunk is only a few kilometers long. This happens when a short tunnel connects to many commuter rail branches.

Evidently, the RER A style leads to higher ridership: current ridership on the RER A is about 1.1m per weekday (see page 24 of this PDF); that on the RER C only 540,000. This is despite the fact that the sprawling, many-branched RER C is almost twice as long as the RER A.

The proposed New York-New Jersey Crossrail.

In North America, proposed regional rail modernisation projects fall on the RER C side. In New York, the Regional Plan Association has proposed using the planned new tunnels under the Hudson River to build a New York-New Jersey Crossrail project. The RPA is not planning on any new stations to connect to subway lines that have no connections to the existing Penn Station.

And in Chicago, the Midwest High-Speed Rail Association has proposed reactivating through-tracks at Union Station to create a Crossrail Chicago. The plan only includes one new urban station and has no transfers to the busiest L lines. In both cases, the Crossrail name does not imply service levels comparable to Crossrail: the routes are awkward, kludged together from the available commuter rail lines.

In Boston, plans for the North-South Rail Link are more mixed. This project would provide new tunnels connecting the city's two rail terminals, North Station and South Station, which are about 2 km apart. One RER A-style feature of the plan is that, in addition to these two stations, there are plans for one intermediate station, called Central Station (Boston's central business district stretches roughly from South Station to the planned new station). North and South Station together connect to three of Boston's four subway lines, and Central Station would connect to the fourth.

The proposed Boston North-South Link.

For a city planning to modernise its commuter rail network with new tunnels for through-running, there are merits to both models: evidently, Paris built the RER C and not just the RER A. However, it is a mistake to assume that short tunnels could provide the benefits of the RER A or Crossrail. In New York and Chicago, if there are plans to through-run trains, their respective transit agencies should at least consider adding stations to intersect more subway or L lines, or even the busiest bus corridors. For example, New York could open a commuter rail station at Astoria and, when the new Hudson tunnels are built, at Bergenline Avenue. Toronto is fortunate not to need tunnels, but it should consider adding infill urban stops on the planned RER to relieve the city's two main subway lines.

The biggest cities should probably plan on at least one RER A-style commuter line. London came to this conclusion when it began the Crossrail program; despite the high cost, it is now very likely to build Crossrail 2. The largest North American cities should learn from this and consider some truly metro-like commuter lines rather than just lines in the mold of the RER C.

Alon Levy blogs at Pedestrian Observations and tweets as @alon_levy.

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In South Africa's cities, evictions are happening despite a national ban

An aerial view shows a destroyed house in Lawley, south of Johannesburg, on April 20, 2020. The city has been demolishing informal structures on vacant land despite a moratorium on evictions. (Marco Longari/AFP via Getty Images)

On the morning of 15 July, a South African High Court judge ruled that the city of Cape Town’s Anti-Land Invasion Unit had illegally evicted a man when it destroyed the shack where he was living.

That afternoon, the Anti-Land Invasion Unit was out again, removing shacks in another informal settlement.

Evictions were banned in South Africa for nine weeks, after the national government placed the country under a strict Covid-19 lockdown in late March. At present, eviction orders are automatically suspended until the country moves to a lower “alert level” and can only be carried out with a special order from a judge.

Yet major cities including Cape Town, Johannesburg and eThekwini (created through the merger of Durban with several surrounding communities), have continued to use municipal law enforcement agencies and private security companies to remove people from informal housing. In many cases those operations have been conducted without a court order – something required under regular South African law.

Around 900 people were evicted from three informal settlements in eThekwini during the eviction ban, according to the Church Land Programme, a local NGO. Its director, Graham Philpott, says it’s also aware of evictions in other informal settlements.

While evictions aren’t a “new experience” in these communities, the NGO released a report on lockdown evictions because they were “so explicitly illegal”. “There was a moratorium in place,” Philpott says, “and the local municipality acted quite flagrantly against it. There’s no confusion, there’s no doubt whatsoever, it is illegal. But it is part of a trend where the eThekwini municipality has acted illegally in evicting the poor from informal settlements.”

Evictions also took place in Cape Town and Johannesburg during so-called “hard lockdown” according to local activists. In eThekwini and other municipalities, the evictions have continued despite restrictions. In Cape Town, authorities pulled a naked man, Bulelani Qholani, from his shack. That incident, which was captured on video, drew condemnation from the national government and four members of the Anti-Land Invasion unit were suspended. 


The cities say they’re fighting “land invasions” – illegal occupations without permission from the land owner.

“Land invasions derail housing and service projects, lead to the pollution of waterways, severely prejudice deserving housing beneficiaries and cause property owners to lose their investments over night,” Cape Town’s executive mayor, Dan Plato said in a statement. (Plato has also claimed that Qholani did not live in the shack he was pulled from and that he disrobed when municipal authorities arrived.)

South African municipalities often claim that the shacks they destroy are unoccupied. 

If they were occupied, says Msawakhe Mayisela, a spokesman for the eThekwini municipality, the city would get a court order before conducting an eviction. “Everything we’re doing is within the ambit of the law,” Mayisela says. But “rogue elements” are taking advantage of Covid-19, he added.

“We fully understand that people are desperately in need of land, but the number of people that are flocking to the cities is too much, the city won’t be able to provide housing or accommodation for everyone overnight,” he says. 

While eThekwini claims to be a caring city, local activists say the evictions show otherwise.

In one case, 29 women were evicted from shacks during the hard lockdown. With nowhere to go, they slept in an open field and were arrested by the South African Police Service for violating the lockdown, Philpott says.

“These evictions are dehumanizing people whose dignity is already compromised in many ways,” says S’bu Zikode, the president of Abahlali baseMjondolo, a community organization whose Zulu name translates to “the people of the shacks”. 

“It has reminded us that we are the people that do not count in our society.”

Municipal law enforcement and private security contractors hired by cities regularly fire rubber bullets, or even live ammunition, at residents during evictions. Some 18 Abahlali baseMjondolo activists have been killed since the organization was founded in 2005, Zikode says, most by the eThekwini Land Invasion Unit and Metro Police.

(Mayisela says that if city employees have broken the law, Abahlali baseMjondolo can file a complaint with the police. “There is no conclusive evidence to the effect that our members have killed them,”  he says.)

Other Abahlali baseMjondolo activists have been killed by what Zikode calls “izinkabi,” hitmen hired by politicians. Two eThekwini city councillors were sentenced to life in prison 2016 after they organized the killing of Thuli Ndlovu, an Abahlali baseMjondolo organizer. A member of the Land Invasion Unit who is currently facing a charge of attempted murder after severely injuring a person during an eviction remains on the job, Zikode says.

South Africa’s 1996 constitution is intended to protect the public from arbitrary state violence and guarantees a right to housing, as well as due process in evictions. But for Zikode, the South African constitution is a “beautiful document on a shelf”.

“For the working class and the poor, it’s still difficult to have access to court. You’ve got to have money to get to court,” he says. 

The actions by municipal law enforcement are breaking down social trust, says Buhle Booi, a member of the Khayelitsha Community Action Network, a community group in the largest township in Cape Town.

“There’s a lack of police resources and those very few police resources that they have, they use to destroy people’s homes, to destroy people’s peace, rather than fighting crime, real criminal elements that we see in our society,” Booi says.

For him, it’s a continuation of the practices of the colonial and apartheid governments, pushing poor people, most of whom are Black, to the periphery of cities.

Around one-fifth of South Africa’s urban population live in shacks or informal dwellings, according to a 2018 report by SERI. Many more live in substandard housing. City governments maintain that the shacks destroyed during anti-land invasion operations are unfinished and unoccupied. But Edward Molopi, a research and advocacy officer at SERI, says that this claim is an attempt to escape their legal obligations to get a court order and to find alternative accommodation for affected people. 

The roots of the current eviction crisis go back to apartheid, which barred non-white people from living in cities. Between the 1940s and 1970s, tens of thousands of people were forcibly relocated from neighbourhoods like Johannesburg’s Sophiatown and Cape Town’s District Six to remote townships.

In the 26 years following the end of apartheid, deepening economic inequality and rampant unemployment have limited access to formal housing for millions of South Africans. Government housing programs have mostly focused on building small stand-alone homes, often on the peripheries of cities far from jobs and amenities.

While these well-intentioned projects have built millions of homes, they’ve failed to keep up with demand, says Marie Huchzermeyer, a professor at the Centre for Urbanism & Built Environment Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg. Government-funded housing projects “will never on it’s own be enough,” she says. “It has to be accompanied by land release.”

Government policies call for the “upgrading” of informal settlements and the formalization of residents’ occupation. But “there are still very, very, very few projects” of that nature in South Africa, Huchzermeyer says. “Even if it’s an informal settlement that’s been around for 20 years, there still seems to be a political wish to punish people for having done that.” The government wants people to go through the formal process of being given a house, she says – and for them to be thankful to the government for providing it.

At the municipal level, change will require “real leadership around informal settlement upgrading and around ensuring that land is available for people to occupy,” she says. 

Despite the end of enforced racial segregation, spacial apartheid remains a factor in South Africa. There are few mixed-income neighbourhoods. Those who can afford to often live behind walls in sprawling low-density suburbs, while the poor live in overcrowded slums and apartment buildings.

The creation of the apartheid city “didn't happen by chance,” says Amira Osman, a professor of architecture at the Tshwane University of Technology. “It was a deliberate, structured approach to the design of the city. We need a deliberate, structured approach that will undo that.”

Since last fall, Johannesburg’s Inclusionary Housing Policy has required developments of 20 or more units to set aside 30% of those units for low-income housing.

The policy, which faced significant opposition from private developers, won’t lead to dramatic change, says Sarah Charlton, a professor at the Centre for Urbanism and Built Environment Studies, but it is “an important and significant step.”

Zikode isn’t optimistic that change will come for shack dwellers, however.

“People in the high positions of authority pretend that everything is normal,” he says. “They pretend that everyone is treated justly, they pretend that everyone has homes with running water, that everyone has a piece of land – and hide the truth and the lies of our democracy.”

Jacob Serebrin is a freelance journalist currently based in Johannesburg. Follow him on Twitter.