Here’s why transport maps should show service frequency

An extract from a map of the Greater Paris rail network – with no frequency in sight. Image: RATP.

Transit agencies put a lot of money and effort into network maps. But are these maps really doing the job in helping people understand their travel options?

Here's a slice of a typical well-intentioned map published by a transit agency, in this case King County Metro in Seattle. Until 2012, the map appeared on the agency website and in printed materials, including signage at stops, all over the region.  

Image: Jarrett Walker/Seattle QA Network

The map above is not wrong, but it is misleading – and most of the transit agency maps I see are misleading in exactly the same way. The problem is that all of the bus lines on this map – both the graphic of the line, and the line number bullet – look equally important.

If you look at almost any street map, a map designed for motorists or to give people a general sense of the shape of the city, you'll see clear signals that the lines on the map are not all equal. A Google street map of this same area, for example, uses simple line-weight and colour to visually distinguish three classes of road: freeways, local arterials, and other streets. We all use this hierarchy to organise our understanding of the city, regardless of our means of travel.


If a street map for a city drew every road with the same kind of line and label, so that Interstate 5 looked no different from the smallest gravel cul-de-sac, we'd say it was a bad map. “But it's not wrong”, the mapmaker would say. No, it's not – but it's misleading. If we can't identify the major streets, we can't see the basic shape of the city – and without that, we can't really make use of the map's information.

The process of learning any network – roads or transit or any kind of geography – begins with identifying a few features as major, and then understanding how the other features fit around those. If you're looking a map of natural geography, you'll notice the big rivers and mountains before you notice the small ones. If you're looking at a highway map, you'll understand the big highways first, and later, only as needed, you'll study how lesser roads connect with those main highways. Transit customers and potential customers need the same ability to sort the mass of detail presented by a transit network.

So a transit map that makes all lines look equally important is like a road map that doesn't show the difference between a freeway and a gravel road. On the map above, all the bus lines are solid blue lines with numbers. But in fact:

  • Some of these lines have frequent all-day service. On these lines, a bus is probably coming in the next few minutes at almost any time of day.
  • Some of these lines have infrequent all-day service. You'll get a bus there, but you may wait a while.
  • Some of these lines are peak-only. If it's not rush hour, and you're not going in the peak commute direction, these lines don't exist for you.
  • One of these lines, the 82, is a nighttime-only route. This line exists only when none of the others do, in the middle of the night.

What do we achieve by putting all of these lines on the same map, and making them look the same? Well, the most powerful message seems to be: “These are all buses, and all bus services are alike.” A key secondary impression is: “This map is complicated because bus service is intrinsically complicated.” You might get the same message if you look for bus stops in downtown and find a sign that looks like this:

Image: Jarrett Walker.

The message seems to be the same across these multiple media. Buses are for people who like to sort through lists of three-digit numbers, and look at piles of numbers on maps. If you can't handle that kind of complexity, don't use the buses.

Is that really the message transit agencies want to send?

Now I can already hear one response to this question: “Of course we want people to figure out how to use the buses, but that's what trip planning websites are for. Just tell us where you are, where you're going, and when, and our website will give you detailed instructions for your trip.”

There are three responses to that.

First, some of us are spatial navigators, and need to understand our trip on the map rather than as a list of steps. (Well, maybe your website gives us a map of the trip, so that's maybe OK.)

Second, narrative instructions are brittle. They work if everything works perfectly, but if there's any kind of disruption, we're helpless. Only maps can show us where we are, and what our options are, at every moment of the journey.

Third, narrative instructions do nothing to build a person's understanding of their transit network, and of their city. And if you want to feel free in your city, capable of moving about at will to do things you want to do, that's the kind of understanding you need.

That third and deepest kind of understanding is why people love the regular Manhattan grid. If you're at Eighth Avenue and 16th Street and want to go to Second Avenue at 73rd Street, anyone can figure out how to do that, and roughly how far it is, based on locally available cues. Part of the joy of this part of Manhattan is the sheer effortlessness of basic navigation – the ease with which a basic schematic map can be stored in your head, even if you're not a spatial navigator. It's a place where a pedestrian can feel free to go anywhere, in any direction, without being confounded by complexity.

Most cities are more complicated than Manhattan, and most transit systems are more complicated than their cities. But I contend that transit agencies have an obligation to push back against that complexity, to make their systems look as simple as possible, to give their citizens (not just their riders) the clearest possible image of how their system works. We may not need this understanding to follow your website's directions, but it will help us if our trip is disrupted and we have to improvise. And it's essential if we ever want to feel free to use the transit system spontaneously, for our own purposes.

So – how do we decide which routes are "major"?

This question may sound like a recipe for decades of focus groups, but in my experience, the answer may not be so complicated if we just consider the basics: frequency, span of service, speed, reliability and ease of access.

Frequency and span of service, I’d suggest, are the most important indicators of “major-ness”, because they are the answers to the question: "Does this service exist when I need it?" This is not a question about service quality, but rather about service existence. Until you've verified existence, all the other features of a service – even speed – are irrelevant details.

Conventional transport mapping advertises where the service exists, but conceals when it exists, as though "when" were just a detail. In fact, when and where are equally important dimensions in determining whether a service can be said to exist at all.

In more practical terms, we know that in urban transit, frequency is an overwhelmingly important variable in determining usefulness. Modellers will tell you that the most onerous part of a transit trip – in terms of the potential to discourage ridership – is waiting. Frequency, of course, is the variable that governs waiting time. Frequency also determines whether connections are easy to make, and that in turn determines whether transit is really a network or just a pile of lines.

There are many degrees of frequency and span, but in general, most transit agencies' service can be sorted into three categories of usefulness based on these variables:

  • The Frequent Network runs often enough that you don't have to plan your trip around a timetable. That typically means every 15 minutes or better all day, but it needs to be more frequent than that where aiming to serve relatively short trips (as in the case of downtown shuttles, for example). If you aren't willing to plan your life around a bus schedule, you are interested only in the Frequent Network.
  • Infrequent All-day services are the rest of the service that runs all day. This network often relies on timed connections.
  • Peak-only service exists only during the peak period. It mostly takes the form of long commuter-express routes that add lots of complexity to a system map, but represent very specialised services for limited markets.

These three categories are useful in such completely different ways that I would argue they are at least as fundamental as the three basic categories of urban road (freeway, arterial, and local) that virtually all street maps clearly distinguish.

When these three utterly different services are drawn with the same line, as in most of today's system maps, you get chaos. The chaos may be colorful and visually appealing, but it still conceals the most basic information we need. The complexity of peak-only routes, for example, obscures the simple structure of the all-day network, and the even simpler Frequent Network gets hidden behind both.  

The solution

My recommendation is simple. In a bus network, the three categories of usefulness above should be represented by three kinds of line: a visually strong line for the Frequent Network, a lesser solid line for the infrequent all-day service, and some kind of dashed line for peak-only. More fundamentally, the test of a map should be that anyone can see the Frequent Network standing out from the rest of the map, and that anyone can see the total all-day network – frequent and infrequent – standing out from the more complicated and specialised peak commuter express services.

One way to do this, of course, is to provide separate maps of just the Frequent Network. Portland's Tri-Met has had one of these maps for years. Los Angeles also had such a map which captured other distinctions, including rapid vs local buses, bus vs rail, and even multiple transit agencies.

But it's also not hard to highlight the Frequent Network, even in a more complex map of the entire system. The Minneapolis-St. Paul Metro Transit map used to show the maddening complexity of its whole system. But it also used yellow highlights on certain of the lines – both light rail and bus – that run every 15 minutes or better all day. These are the Frequent Network, the structure of services that busy people can potentially count on. Metro Transit also published a nice frequent network diagram. Here’s a chunk of it:

Image: Metro Transit.

Frequent Network mapping is also important for its secondary audiences. If everyone who wanted good transit had access to this map, they could make decisions about where to locate. This would gradually re-organise the city, so that people who valued transit were close to good transit, thus making better use of the transit system's finite resources.

The Frequent Network is potentially useful to anyone deciding where to live, where to shop, or where to start a business, and also the land use planners and developers who make the same location decisions. If you just show such people the map of all services, with no differentiation, they won't be able to identify which services would really be useful to them – and will thus be less likely to make good location choices.

Jarrett Walker is an international consultant in public transit network design and policy, based in Portland, Oregon. He is also the author of “Human Transit: How clearer thinking about public transit can enrich our communities and our lives”.

This article was originally published on his blog in 2010, and is reposted here with permission. All images courtesy of the author.

 
 
 
 

Urgently needed: Timely, more detailed standardized data on US evictions

Graffiti asking for rent forgiveness is seen on a wall on La Brea Ave amid the Covid-19 pandemic in Los Angeles, California. (Valerie Macon/AFP via Getty Images)

Last week the Eviction Lab, a team of eviction and housing policy researchers at Princeton University, released a new dashboard that provides timely, city-level US eviction data for use in monitoring eviction spikes and other trends as Covid restrictions ease. 

In 2018, Eviction Lab released the first national database of evictions in the US. The nationwide data are granular, going down to the level of a few city blocks in some places, but lagged by several years, so their use is more geared toward understanding the scope of the problem across the US, rather than making timely decisions to help city residents now. 

Eviction Lab’s new Eviction Tracking System, however, provides weekly updates on evictions by city and compares them to baseline data from past years. The researchers hope that the timeliness of this new data will allow for quicker action in the event that the US begins to see a wave of evictions once Covid eviction moratoriums are phased out.

But, due to a lack of standardization in eviction filings across the US, the Eviction Tracking System is currently available for only 11 cities, leaving many more places facing a high risk of eviction spikes out of the loop.

Each city included in the Eviction Tracking System shows rolling weekly and monthly eviction filing counts. A percent change is calculated by comparing current eviction filings to baseline eviction filings for a quick look at whether a city might be experiencing an uptick.

Timely US eviction data for a handful of cities is now available from the Eviction Lab. (Courtesy Eviction Lab)

The tracking system also provides a more detailed report on each city’s Covid eviction moratorium efforts and more granular geographic and demographic information on the city’s evictions.

Click to the above image to see a city-level eviction map, in this case for Pittsburgh. (Courtesy Eviction Lab)

As part of their Covid Resource, the Eviction Lab together with Columbia Law School professor Emily Benfer also compiled a scorecard for each US state that ranks Covid-related tenant protection measures. A total of 15 of the 50 US states plus Washington DC received a score of zero because those states provided little if any protections.

CityMetric talked with Peter Hepburn, an assistant professor at Rutgers who just finished a two-year postdoc at the Eviction Lab, and Jeff Reichman, principal at the data science research firm January Advisors, about the struggles involved in collecting and analysing eviction data across the US.

Perhaps the most notable hurdle both researchers addressed is that there’s no standardized reporting of evictions across jurisdictions. Most evictions are reported to county-level governments, however what “reporting” means differs among and even within each county. 

In Texas, evictions go through the Justice of the Peace Courts. In Virginia they’re processed by General District Courts. Judges in Milwaukee are sealing more eviction case documents that come through their courtroom. In Austin, Pittsburgh and Richmond, eviction addresses aren’t available online but ZIP codes are. In Denver you have to pay about $7 to access a single eviction filing. In Alabama*, it’s $10 per eviction filing. 

Once the filings are acquired, the next barrier is normalizing them. While some jurisdictions share reporting systems, many have different fields and formats. Some are digital, but many are images of text or handwritten documents that require optical character recognition programs and natural language processors in order to translate them into data. That, or the filings would have to be processed by hand. 

“There's not enough interns in the world to do that work,” says Hepburn.


Aggregating data from all of these sources and normalizing them requires knowledge of the nuances in each jurisdiction. “It would be nice if, for every region, we were looking for the exact same things,” says Reichman. “Instead, depending on the vendor that they use, and depending on how the data is made available, it's a puzzle for each one.”

In December of 2019, US Senators Michael Bennet of Colorado and Rob Portman of Ohio introduced a bill that would set up state and local grants aimed at reducing low-income evictions. Included in the bill is a measure to enhance data collection. Hepburn is hopeful that the bill could one day mean an easier job for those trying to analyse eviction data.

That said, Hepburn and Reichman caution against the public release of granular eviction data. 

“In a lot of cases, what this gets used for is for tenant screening services,” says Hepburn. “There are companies that go and collect these data and make them available to landlords to try to check and see if their potential tenants have been previously evicted, or even just filed against for eviction, without any sort of judgement.”

According to research by Eviction Lab principal Matthew Desmond and Tracey Shollenberger, who is now vice president of science at Harvard’s Center for Policing Equity, residents who have been evicted or even just filed against for eviction often have a much harder time finding equal-quality housing in the future. That coupled with evidence that evictions affect minority populations at disproportionate rates can lead to widening racial and economic gaps in neighborhoods.

While opening up raw data on evictions to the public would not be the best option, making timely, granular data available to researchers and government officials can improve the system’s ability to respond to potential eviction crises.

Data on current and historical evictions can help city officials spot trends in who is getting evicted and who is doing the evicting. It can help inform new housing policy and reform old housing policies that may put more vulnerable citizens at undue risk.

Hepburn says that the Eviction Lab is currently working, in part with the ACLU, on research that shows the extent to which Black renters are disproportionately affected by the eviction crisis.

More broadly, says Hepburn, better data can help provide some oversight for a system which is largely unregulated.

“It's the Wild West, right? There's no right to representation. Defendants have no right to counsel. They're on their own here,” says Hepburn. “I mean, this is people losing their homes, and they're being processed in bulk very quickly by the system that has very little oversight, and that we know very little about.”

A 2018 report by the Philadelphia Mayor’s Taskforce on Eviction Prevention and Response found that of Philadelphia’s 22,500 eviction cases in 2016, tenants had legal representation in only 9% of them.

Included in Hepburn’s eviction data wishlist is an additional ask, something that is rarely included in any of the filings that the Eviction Lab and January Advisors have been poring over for years. He wants to know the relationship between money owed and monthly rent.

“At the individual level, if you were found to owe $1,500, was that on an apartment that's $1,500 a month? Or was it an apartment that's $500 a month? Because that makes a big difference in the story you're telling about the nature of the crisis, right? If you're letting somebody get three months behind that's different than evicting them immediately once they fall behind,” Hepburn says.

Now that the Eviction Tracking System has been out for a week, Hepburn says one of the next steps is to start reaching out to state and local governments to see if they can garner interest in the project. While he’s not ready to name any names just yet, he says that they’re already involved in talks with some interested parties.

*Correction: This story initially misidentified a jurisdiction that charges $10 to access an eviction filing. It is the state of Alabama, not the city of Atlanta. Also, at the time of publication, Peter Hepburn was an assistant professor at Rutgers, not an associate professor.

Alexandra Kanik is a data reporter at CityMetric.