The Georgian vicar whose ideas could have saved Thameslink passengers from misery

London Blackfriars: not a Thameslink train in sight. Image: Getty.

The Reverend Thomas Bayes was born in Hemel Hempstead, Hertfordshire, in 1701. He grew up in London’s Southwark, and died in Tunbridge Wells, Kent in 1761. Had he lived 300 years later, a railway running from Hertfordshire to Kent via London Bridge would have been rather useful to him. And if the people who currently run that railway had paid more attention to him, everyone on the route would be a lot happier.

The Thameslink service links commuter towns to the north and south of London via the city centre. After a major timetable change this May, the network descended into chaos. Instead of the intended massive increase in services, the service through London collapsed.

Things got so bad that Govia Thameslink Railway (GTR) had to hire extra security staff to defend train crew from angry passengers. GTR’s CEO announced his resignation, although he’ll stay in place until the company finds someone willing to take on the poisoned chalice.

So what happened? First, some background. In the 1980s, British Rail (BR) reopened a disused freight line across London. This allowed BR to shift commuter services away from terminal stations, and free up peak hour space at St Pancras and Blackfriars.

This scheme worked so well that the railway went for a second round. This programme was called Thameslink 2000, after the year it was supposed to be finished. It’s nearly finished now (that’s another story). The timetable change was supposed to benefit from the new infrastructure.


Instead it collapsed. London Reconnections has outlined the underlying issues: in short, new trains were delivered late, so drivers didn’t know how to drive them; when GTR took over the franchise in 2014 the previous operator hadn’t been training new drivers, so it’s been playing catch-up; GTR’s training programme relies on drivers working overtime, which many of them don’t want to do; some new tunnels didn’t get handed over until far too late; and GTR didn’t transfer drivers to new depots in time. This meant that many drivers weren’t qualified to drive the new trains along the new routes in time for the change.

Some people might have decided to cancel at this point. But GTR had a cunning plan.

For a train to carry passengers, it needs to have a driver qualified to drive the route that it’s on, a driver qualified to drive the train, and a driver qualified to carry passengers. These don’t have to be the same person, so if you must, you can have three people in the cab, one of whom is qualified to do each. This isn’t ideal; but it’s safe, and it works.

GTR worked out that – between the drivers it had who were trained on the new trains, the drivers it had who were trained on the new routes, and the not-passenger-qualified drivers who had tested the new trains before they entered passenger service – it had enough drivers to run the new timetable by doubling or tripling up in the cab.

But it didn’t. Which is where the Reverend Bayes comes in.

The Reverend Thomas Bayes. Image: Wikimedia Commons.

If you’re working out the number of drivers you need based on traditional probabilities (statisticians call this ‘frequentism’), you look at five factors: the total number of trains needed, the number of drivers qualified for each part of the route, the numbers qualified for the right trains, the number qualified to carry passengers, and sickness/absenteeism rates.

Then you can work out the number of trains to run, based on the number of people likely to be around and qualified. On the evidence we’ve seen so far, GTR appear to have done this, and found that they were, narrowly, capable of running the service.

But there’s a problem here: people don’t come in percentages. Either you have a whole train driver or no train driver at all. And if you don’t have a train driver qualified to drive the train to Finsbury Park when it arrives at London Bridge at 7:30am on a Monday, then your whole timetable is stuffed.

Agent-based modelling is a more complicated way of looking at things than simple probability. But it has a huge advantage over simple statistical models, which is that it can deal with lumpy problems like train drivers. It requires a lot of hard maths, of the sort pioneered by the Reverend Bayes.

You use this maths to set up simulations of what will happen if you try and run the trains you have on the routes you have, using the drivers who you have. So your computer becomes a gigantic nerdy train simulator game, running the entire train timetable thousands of times, and seeing what happens each time you try to run it.

The conditions are slightly different each time: on run 3, the driver who’s off sick is Alan from Luton who is qualified to drive to Brighton but not Maidstone; on run 15, it’s Barbara from Brighton, who is qualified to drive to London Bridge but not Cambridge. The closer you can match the simulated agents to your real roster, the more accurate the simulation is.


Using this model, GTR would have found that having the right number of qualified crew is no use in itself: one person in the wrong place at the wrong time can make the whole thing fall over, even if there’s another qualified person on shift, because that qualified person is an hour’s cab ride away.

Because they didn’t do this kind of modelling, they took false reassurance from their data showing that they had enough crew. The first time their assumptions were put to the test was the first day of the real timetable – when it all fell to pieces.

If GTR had used agent-based modelling to test the new timetable, they would have had to ditch it at the last minute, which would have been horribly embarrassing. Maybe that’s why they didn’t do it. But looking back, it would have been much less embarrassing than what actually happened.

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A Century after radical leftists were elected to its city hall, Vienna’s social democratic base is slipping away

Karl Marx Hof. Image: Kagan Kaya.

Karl Marx-Hof, a kilometre-long municipal apartment block in Vienna’s wealthy 19th district, was first named after the father of the communist movement by Austria’s Social Democratic Workers’ Party (SDAP) in 1927. Its imposing structure borrows from an eclectic mix of modernist, Bauhaus, art deco, neoclassical and baroque architectural styles. In the mould of early soviet experiments, the building, nicknamed The Palace of the Proletariat, housed shared childcare services, gardens and washrooms.

The building is Vienna’s most prominent physical reminder of a period known as Red Vienna, when left-wing radicals found themselves at the helm of the Hapsburg’s former imperial capital during the aftermath of the First World War. 

After the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian dual monarchy in 1918, the SDAP won the fledgeling republic’s first elections held under universal suffrage and commenced an ambitious programme of social and economic reform. Leading intellectual lights of the party sought to unite the two great strands of the 20th-century labour movement, reconciling parliamentary socialism and revolutionary communism under their new current of non-Bolshevik “Austro-Marxism”. Karl Marx-Hof epitomised their radical ambitions. “When we are no longer here”, Mayor Karl Seitz told an assembled crowd of workers at the building’s opening in 1930, “these bricks will speak for us.”

When I visited Karl Marx-Hof on a sunny day in June, Monica and George, two of its residents, were walking their two Chihuahuas around the estate’s leafy, quiet courtyards. “We moved here last year,” Monica tells me. “It’s really nice because you’ve got a lot of green space in the middle of the city.”

The young couple are the beneficiaries of a generous system of public housing provision. Vienna has a relative abundance of high-quality municipal flats compared with most large capitals. “We weren’t waiting long for the flat – moving in here was really fast”, Monica says. Currently, 60 per cent of Vienna’s residents live in either municipally owned, subsidised housing, or in social homes run by not-for-profit cooperatives. The remaining portion of private homes is subject to strict rent controls and regulations.

The social democrats and their less radical successors have remained the dominant party in Vienna since the city’s first election, save for an 11-year hiatus of fascist dictatorship from 1934, followed by Anschluss and Nazi occupation from 1938. The city remains a red statelet in an otherwise conservative country. Indeed, Austria is now more associated with the far right than the radical left. But even Vienna is no longer immune to the trend of waning support for centre-left parties that has gripped European countries since 2008, and cracks are beginning to appear in its social democratic project.

Two exhibitions in the city – one in the former communal wash house of Karl Marx-Hof, the other in the grand Wien Museum MUSA – note the achievements of Red Vienna’s experiment in local socialism: the introduction of pensions and unemployment support; the establishment of a nascent public healthcare system; the opening of kindergartens, schools run on Montessori principles, public baths, open-air swimming pools, libraries, parks, leisure facilities, arts centres; and, of course, a programme of mass council house building, all paid for by a system of progressive income taxation coupled with duties on luxury goods, including servants, champagne, private cars and riding horses.

Unlike the Bolsheviks, (and partly because, as a provincial government, it lacked the powers to do so), the SDAP did not expropriate or nationalise factories or private industry without compensation, but instead paid former owners whenever buildings or land passed from private to public hands. The party built what it perceived to be the chrysalis of a new egalitarian society, while leaving the market and private ownership of the means of production largely intact. In many ways, its policies palliated the worst effects of early 20th century industrial capitalism like slum housing, mass unemployment and extreme poverty. Red Vienna laid the ground for the modern European welfare state, inspiring other social democratic governments across the continent to implement similar policies after the Second World War. 


“Back then the social democrats were good,” Monica tells me, attempting to calm her excitable dogs by pulling on their leads. Does she intend to vote for the social democrats in the upcoming national elections in September? “We vote for the blue ones,” she answers. Monica and George will cast their vote for the Freheitliche Partei Osterreichs (FPO), the Freedom Party, an organisation founded after the Second World War by a former Nazi minister of agriculture and high-ranking SS officer. “It’s because of all the refugees and all the violence that’s going on here,” she claims. “Shootings are more frequent in Vienna.”

Austria has one of the lowest murder rates in the world, almost half that of England and Wales, and Vienna itself is known for its relative safety compared to other European capitals. But hundreds of thousands of refugees have travelled through Austria over the last four years. Many have made the city their home, but most have transited towards Germany, at Angela Merkel’s invitation. The mass movement of people from across the Mediterranean to central and northern Europe has ruptured the country’s social-democratic pact. In 2016, Norbert Hofer of the Freedom Party narrowly missed out on victory in the presidential election, receiving 46 per cent of the vote.

“Lots of people say they’re just racists,” Monica continues, visibly uncomfortable with the idea that people would attribute malice or prejudice to voters like herself. But she hastens to add that her views, and those of her partner George, aren’t necessarily typical of Vienna’s affluent 19th district. “There are very rich people here, so they vote for the party who protects their interests… You’ll see a lot of big houses, so I think the OVP, the People’s Party, would do well.”

The OVP is the more traditional centre-right party of Austrian politics, and wins the most seats in the 19th district. Yet the city’s voting patterns are diverse. This is partly a result of the policies of successive social democratic administrations placing the integration of social classes and income levels at the heart of their municipal agenda. Subsidised housing can be found alongside wealthy private apartments in the city centre designed by Renzo Piano, and at the foot of the city’s vineyards near up-market wine taverns. Kurt Puchinger, chair of wohnfonds_wien, the city’s land and housing fund, tells me that the council “do not want to have a situation where you can identify the social status of a person by their home address.”

Despite the SDAP’s century-long efforts to promote social cohesion, recent years have seen the rise the FPO’s vote share at the expense of the left. Favoriten is a more solidly working class area of Vienna in the 10th district. There, according to Monica, “most vote for the Freedom Party because they are for stopping migration.” She pauses to consider her words. “Not stopping. Trying to find a way to filter them and control them. Every country has a problem like this.”

Monica’s feeling for the electoral preferences of each of the various Viennese districts proves accurate. After the war, Favoriten elected communists as their local representatives. The district's loyalties quickly switched to the social democrats, and until 2005 the party could comfortably expect to receive over half the votes there, consistently getting more than double the votes of both the far-right Freedom Party and the centre-right People’s Party. But in the most recent 2015 election, the Freedom Party won 24 seats and 38 per cent of the vote, only two points and one seat behind the social democrats. In Austria nationally, the People’s Party, headed by a 32-year-old leader, Sebastian Kurz, with Patrick Bateman overtones, has formed a government with the Freedom Party – but their coalition collapsed ignominiously in May.

Neither Austria as a whole, nor Favoriten in particular, are outliers. In France, Le Pen’s National Rally polls well in the Communist Party’s former “ceinture rouge” outside Paris. In Britain, Labour’s post-industrial heartlands are turning towards the Brexit Party, while blue collar workers in America’s rust belt have backed Donald Trump. And in Vienna, neither the impressive legacy of the SDAP nor the continually high standard of living (the city was rated as the world’s most liveable for the 10th time in 2018 by Mercer, the consultancy giant) is enough to stem the tide of right-wing populism.

Until he was unseated as leader following a corruption scandal in May, Heinz-Christian Strache positioned the FPO as the party of the working class, a guarantor of Austrian identity, and the protector of a generous welfare system now threatened by an influx of migrants. “We believe in our youth,” ran one of his slogans, “the [social democrats] in immigration.”

Sofia is a masseuse who has lived in Karl Marx-Hof for 19 years with her partner and his son. “People are angry with the social democrats now because of refugees,” she told me. “They should change this... They should say ‘we are on the left but we can’t accept everybody here.’” The view that the party have abandoned their traditional voters is widespread, but Sofia isn’t fond of the alternatives. “The FPO – the Nazis – you can’t vote for the Nazis… anyone who votes FPO isn’t my friend… But I won’t vote for the People’s Party because they do everything for rich people, not normal people.”

Sofia reserves her strongest criticism for the youthful Sebastian Kurz, who is likely to become head of another People’s Party-led coalition after elections in September. “I’m scared of him,” she says. “I think he’s a psychopath. I think he’s not a normal person.”

Like many Viennese, Sofia admires the legacy of Red Vienna: “The socialists did a lot of really good things. We are the only city in the world that has so much state housing. And they brought in pensions, health insurance, a lot of things.” But she’s not sure they will get her vote in 2019. In an era of polarisation and anti-establishment rhetoric, the most fertile yet unoccupied political ground seems to be for a radical, redistributive economic programme, coupled with a more conservative vision of shared responsibilities and values, national sovereignty, and sociocultural issues.

“Even in the working class areas of the city,” sighs Kurt Puchinger, the city’s housing fund chair, “less people are voting social democrat. And this is a pity.” 100 years since the old radical Social Democratic Workers’ Party was first elected by a restive, war-weary working class, the working class remains restive, but while the SDAP’s flagship Karl Marx-Hof still stands, the bricks no longer seem to be speaking for them.