Transport for London has banned short term letting ads

STILL no idea. Image: Generation Rent.

Back in June, Generation Rent won a moral victory. After 8,000 londoners signed an online petition, we were able to force short terms lets company Hostmaker to pull down their offensive adverts, which encouraged landlords to kick out their tenants.

But it wasn’t just Hostmaker that was at it. Rival firm Nestify launched a campaign of disgusting adverts, which used almost the exact same messaging and data analysis as Hostmaker to send the same message: landlords, ditch your tenants. It felt like where one dodgy ad was defeated, another popped its ugly head to replace it.

But this week we’ve got cause to celebrate again. Behind the scenes, we’ve been working on going one step further – and now Transport for London has announced brand new guidelines banning all short term let adverts. 

The new policy, which can be found here, states that any adverts seen to do the following would be banned from the network:

  • imply that removing properties from the private rental market for other rental purposes, such as short term lets to tourists, can be financially or materially advantageous to property owners;
  • promote companies or services which appear to rely on property owners removing their properties from the private rented sector; 
  • appear to conflate short term lets with lettings in the private rented sector – the type of lettings the advert is promoting should be unambiguous;
  • advertise services for both types of lettings;
  • Use phrases or terms associated with short term lets where they are ostensibly advertising services relating to lettings in the private rented sector, or vice versa.

So what’s the problem with short term let advertising? Well, besides the obvious incitement to evict your tenants to make more money, the short term let industry has been notoriously hard to regulate in large cities like London. Whilst the capital has a ban on renting out your home for holiday lets longer than 90 days, Hostmaker was caught out in February deliberately trying to break the 90 day limit on short term lets. And in a city like London with sky high rents and more people than ever living in cramped house shares, it’s crucial that long term homes are available for all.

It feels nice to be right…

Georgie Laming is a campaigner at Generation Rent, which represents 11 millions renters across the UK.


 

 
 
 
 

As EU funding is lost, “levelling up” needs investment, not just rhetoric

Oh, well. Image: Getty.

Regional inequality was the foundation of Boris Johnson’s election victory and has since become one of the main focuses of his government. However, the enthusiasm of ministers championing the “levelling up” agenda rings hollow when compared with their inertia in preparing a UK replacement for European structural funding. 

Local government, already bearing the brunt of severe funding cuts, relies on European funding to support projects that boost growth in struggling local economies and help people build skills and find secure work. Now that the UK has withdrawn its EU membership, councils’ concerns over how EU funds will be replaced from 2021 are becoming more pronounced.

Johnson’s government has committed to create a domestic structural funding programme, the UK Shared Prosperity Fund (UKSPF), to replace the European Structural and Investment Fund (ESIF). However, other than pledging that UKSPF will “reduce inequalities between communities”, it has offered few details on how funds will be allocated. A public consultation on UKSPF promised by May’s government in 2018 has yet to materialise.

The government’s continued silence on UKSPF is generating a growing sense of unease among councils, especially after the failure of successive governments to prioritise investment in regional development. Indeed, inequalities within the UK have been allowed to grow so much that the UK’s poorest region by EU standards (West Wales & the Valleys) has a GDP of 68 per cent of the average EU GDP, while the UK’s richest region (Inner London) has a GDP of 614 per cent of the EU average – an intra-national disparity that is unique in Europe. If the UK had remained a member of the EU, its number of ‘less developed’ regions in need of most structural funding support would have increased from two to five in 2021-27: South Yorkshire, Tees Valley & Durham and Lincolnshire joining Cornwall & Isles of Scilly and West Wales & the Valley. Ministers have not given guarantees that any region, whether ‘less developed’ or otherwise, will obtain the same amount of funding under UKSPF to which they would have been entitled under ESIF.


The government is reportedly contemplating changing the Treasury’s fiscal rules so public spending favours programmes that reduce regional inequalities as well as provide value for money, but this alone will not rebalance the economy. A shared prosperity fund like UKSPF has the potential to be the master key that unlocks inclusive growth throughout the country, particularly if it involves less bureaucracy than ESIF and aligns funding more effectively with the priorities of local people. 

In NLGN’s Community Commissioning report, we recommended that this funding should be devolved to communities directly to decide local priorities for the investment. By enabling community ownership of design and administration, the UK government would create an innovative domestic structural funding scheme that promotes inclusion in its process as well as its outcomes.

NLGN’s latest report, Cultivating Local Inclusive Growth: In Practice, highlights the range of policy levers and resources that councils can use to promote inclusive growth in their area. It demonstrates that, through collaboration with communities and cross-sector partners, councils are already doing sterling work to enhance economic and social inclusion. Their efforts could be further enhanced with a fund that learns lessons from ESIF’s successes and flaws: a UKSPF that is easier to access, designed and delivered by local communities, properly funded, and specifically targeted at promoting social and economic inclusion in regions that need it most. “Getting Brexit done” was meant to free up the government’s time to focus once more on pressing domestic priorities. “Getting inclusive growth done” should be at the top of any new to-do list.

Charlotte Morgan is senior researcher at the New Local Government Network.