Why are cities so much hotter than the surrounding areas?

Scorchio! London. Image: pic fix/Flickr/creative commons.

In cities, the air, surface and soil temperatures are almost always warmer than in rural areas. This effect is known as the Urban Heat Island – a term which first came into use in the mid-20th century. Until the 1980s, this effect was considered to have relatively little practical significance. In fact, given that most studies were done in cities with cold winter climates, a warmer temperature was seen as a potential benefit, because it reduced the need for heating. But since then, we’ve found a number of reasons to be concerned.

For one thing, it became clear that the Urban Heat Island (UHI) effect of cities was influencing air temperature records, which are used to assess climate change. In other words, it became important to remove urban “contamination” from weather station records to ensure their accuracy.

What’s more, as populations in warm and hot cities have increased, so too has the demand for indoor cooling – typically met by air conditioning. This even applies in colder climates, where changing building uses has increased the demand for cooling; for example, in office buildings, to offset the heat generated by computers.

In these situations, the UHI adds to the heating burden: ironically, cooling buildings with air conditioners increases outdoor air temperatures.

Heatwaves have the power to kill; for example, during the 2003 heatwave in Europe, 70,000 additional deaths were recorded, making it one of the region’s deadliest natural disasters of the last 100 years. The UHI makes city dwellers more vulnerable to the dangerous effects of extreme weather events like this.


The potential medical impact is perhaps the most significant issue related to UHI, especially against the backdrop of continued climate change and global warming. For all these reasons, it’s crucial to understand how the UHI works, so that we can find ways to mitigate and adapt to its effects.

Understanding the UHI

The UHI is strongest during dry periods, when the weather is calm and skies are clear. These conditions accentuate the differences between urban and rural landscapes. Cities are distinguished from natural landscapes by their form: that is, the extent of the urban land cover, the construction materials used, and the geometry of buildings and streets. All of these factors affect the exchanges of natural energy at ground level.

Much of the urban landscape is paved and devoid of vegetation. This means that there is usually little water available for evaporation, so most available natural energy is used to warm surfaces. Construction materials are dense, and many – particularly dark-coloured surfaces like asphalt – are good at absorbing and storing solar radiation.

Urban jungle. Image: Mdalmul/Flickr/creative commons.

Meanwhile, the shape and positioning of buildings in the city slows the movement of air near the ground, creates complex patterns of shade and sunlight and limits natural energy exchanges. Urbanisation is also associated with the emission of waste heat from industry, transport and buildings, which contributes directly to the UHI.

There are, however, different types of UHIs, with different dominant causes.

Keeping our cool

“Surface UHI” refers, unsurprisingly, to warmer urban temperatures at the Earth’s surface. Typically, this type of UHI is measured using satellites with a plan view of the city, so that the temperature of roofs and roads (but not walls) can be measured. From this perspective, the surface UHI is highest during the daytime, when hard urban surfaces receive solar radiation and warm quickly.

Another type of UHI is based on observations of air temperature, which are made close to the ground; in the city, this means placing the instruments below roof height. This UHI is usually strongest at night, as street surfaces and the adjacent air cool slowly. Above the roof level, the contributions of streets and building roofs together warm the overlying urban atmosphere. In some conditions, this warming can be detected up to 1km to 2km above the surface.

The geography of the Urban Heat Island. Image: Jamie Voogt/University of Western Ontari/author provided.

The geography of the UHI is relatively simple – it’s magnitude generally increases from the urban outskirts towards the city centre. However, it also contains many micro-climates – for example, parks and green spaces appear as cool spaces.

The UHI is an inevitable outcome of the landscape changes that accompany urbanisation. But its magnitude and impacts can be managed by modifying some physical aspects of our cities. This can include increasing vegetative cover and reducing impermeable cover; using lighter coloured materials, designing urban layouts to allow for better ventilation through the streets and buildings, and managing urban energy use.

Laying a cool roof. Image: NNSANews/Flickr/creative commons.

Of course, these solutions need to be tailored to the type of UHI. For example, a focus on building cool or green roofs will have an impact on the overlying air and the top floor of buildings, but may have little impact on the UHI at street level. Similarly, trees may be an effective means of providing street shade, but if the canopy encloses the street, then it can trap traffic emissions, resulting in poor air quality.

The ConversationAs a first step, many cities have completed UHI studies to identify the “hot-spots”, where design interventions could have greatest effect. But what most cities need is a coherent climate plan, which addresses interrelated environmental issues including flooding and air quality, as well as surface and air temperatures.

Gerald Mills, Senior Lecturer in Geography, University College Dublin.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

 
 
 
 

What’s killing northerners?

The Angel of the North. Image: Getty.

There is a stark disparity in wealth and health between people in the north and south of England, commonly referred to as England’s “north-south divide”. The causes of this inequality are complex; it’s influenced by the environment, jobs, migration and lifestyle factors – as well as the long-term political power imbalances, which have concentrated resources and investment in the south, especially in and around London.

Life expectancy is also lower in the north, mainly because the region is more deprived. But new analysis of national mortality data highlights a shockingly large mortality gap between young adults, aged 25 to 44, living in the north and south of England. This gap first emerged in the late 1990s, and seems to have been growing ever since.

In 1995, there were 2% more deaths among northerners aged 25 to 34 than southerners (in other words, 2% “excess mortality”). But by 2015, northerners in this age group were 29% more likely to die than their southern counterparts. Likewise, in the 35 to 44 age group, there was 3% difference in mortality between northerners and southerners in 1995. But by 2015, there were 49% more deaths among northerners than southerners in this age group.

Excess mortality in the north compared with south of England by age groups, from 1965 to 2015. Follow the lines to see that people born around 1980 are the ones most affected around 2015.

While mortality increased among northerners aged 25 to 34, and plateaued among 35 to 44-year-olds, southern mortality mainly declined across both age groups. Overall, between 2014 and 2016, northerners aged 25 to 44 were 41% more likely to die than southerners in the same age group. In real terms, this means that between 2014 and 2016, 1,881 more women and 3,530 more men aged between 25 and 44 years died in the north, than in the south.

What’s killing northerners?

To understand what’s driving this mortality gap among young adults, our team of researchers looked at the causes of death from 2014 to 2016, and sorted them into eight groups: accidents, alcohol related, cardiovascular related (heart conditions, diabetes, obesity and so on), suicide, drug related, breast cancer, other cancers and other causes.

Controlling for the age and sex of the population in the north and the south, we found that it was mostly the deaths of northern men contributing to the difference in mortality – and these deaths were caused mainly by cardiovascular conditions, alcohol and drug misuse. Accidents (for men) and cancer (for women) also played important roles.

From 2014 to 2016, northerners were 47% more likely to die for cardiovascular reasons, 109% for alcohol misuse and 60% for drug misuse, across both men and women aged 25 to 44 years old. Although the national rate of death from cardiovascular reasons has dropped since 1981, the longstanding gap between north and south remains.

Death and deprivation

The gap in life expectancy between north and south is usually put down to socioeconomic deprivation. We considered further data for 2016, to find out if this held true for deaths among young people. We found that, while two thirds of the gap were explained by the fact that people lived in deprived areas, the remaining one third could be caused by some unmeasured form of deprivation, or by differences in culture, infrastructure, migration or extreme weather.

Mortality for people aged 25 to 44 years in 2016, at small area geographical level for the whole of England.

Northern men faced a higher risk of dying young than northern women – partly because overall mortality rates are higher for men than for women, pretty much at every age, but also because men tend to be more susceptible to socioeconomic pressures. Although anachronistic, the expectation to have a job and be able to sustain a family weighs more on men. Accidents, alcohol misuse, drug misuse and suicide are all strongly associated with low socioeconomic status.

Suicide risk is twice as high among the most deprived men, compared to the most affluent. Suicide risk has also been associated with unemployment, and substantial increases in suicide have been observed during periods of recession – especially among men. Further evidence tells us that unskilled men between ages 25 and 39 are between ten and 20 times more likely to die from alcohol-related causes, compared to professionals.

Alcohol underpins the steep increase in liver cirrhosis deaths in Britain from the 1990s – which is when the north-south divide in mortality between people aged 25 to 44 also started to emerge. Previous research has shown that men in this age group, who live in the most deprived areas, are five times more likely to die from alcohol-related diseases than those in the most affluent areas. For women in deprived areas, the risk is four times greater.


It’s also widely known that mortality rates for cancer are higher in more deprived areas, and people have worse survival rates in places where smoking and alcohol abuse is more prevalent. Heroin and crack cocaine addiction and deaths from drug overdoses are also strongly associated with deprivation.

The greater number of deaths from accidents in the north should be considered in the context of transport infrastructure investment, which is heavily skewed towards the south – especially London, which enjoys the lowest mortality in the country. What’s more, if reliable and affordable public transport is not available, people will drive more and expose themselves to higher risk of an accident.

Deaths for young adults in the north of England have been increasing compared to those in the south since the late 1990s, creating new health divides between England’s regions. It seems that persistent social, economic and health inequalities are responsible for a growing trend of psychological distress, despair and risk taking among young northerners. Without major changes, the extreme concentration of power, wealth and opportunity in the south will continue to damage people’s health, and worsen the north-south divide.

The Conversation

Evangelos Kontopantelis, Professor in Data Science and Health Services Research, University of Manchester

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.