A UK plan to hit net zero emissions could tackle economic and social injustices, too

The Extinction Rebellion protest last month. Image: Getty.

Thanks to the youth climate strikes and Extinction Rebellion protests, David Attenborough's BBC One documentary and Greta Thunberg's visit to the UK, climate change is finally riding high on the political agenda. The common ask for politicians and policymakers to tell the truth about climate change, and to reconcile it with serious action seems to be ringing in the ears of our political leaders. Just this weekend, both Labour and the Scottish National Party joined 59 Councils in declaring a ‘Climate Emergency’. No doubt others will follow over the coming weeks.

Achieving a transition that is both green and just will not be easy. Governments have dealt with previous emergencies such as WWII or the Great Depression by stimulating the economy in ways that also worked to increase our environmental impact. Going forward the task will be to find the ways that we can improve people’s quality of life and bring about broadly-shared prosperity whilst also delivering significant and absolute reductions in our greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) – no easy task.

Whilst the escalation in ambition and focus is very welcome, it has brought to the fore the need for credible plans that are capable of turning the protestors’ demands into practical action. This is the task of IPPR’s Environmental Justice Commission, which launches this week. The purpose of this new Commission is to set out a plan to deliver a rapid and just transition to a green, sustainable and fair economy.

While much of the technology and knowledge required for the successful delivery of a green transition already exists, the practical delivery of it will entail a level of mobilisation and collaboration that is almost unprecedented in our history. Fundamental will be elevating the challenge of decarbonising our economy to a national mission. It will mean an investment programme and industrial strategy – a Green New Deal – that could radically reduce our emissions, deliver broadly-distributed prosperity, and deliver well-paid, high quality jobs. To work, it will need to be led by a Prime Minister and government that is determined to make it the central focus of their administration, and who have the capability and willingness to work alongside town halls, unions, civil society, business and the public at large.


First and foremost amongst these must certainly be the public: even a cursory glance over to France during the recent, and ongoing, gilets jaunes protests shows what can happen when you get on the wrong side of the people on these issues. The UK must not repeat these mistakes; our response needs to ensure a green transition that is fair and just and that has public engagement at the very heart of its decision-making process. It also needs to redress the historic injustices that have left many communities behind following unmanaged industrial transitions in the past and an unbalanced economy that’s still too skewed towards London. Workers and communities that are reliant on carbon intensive industries must be supported through a just transition to a sustainable economy that provides jobs, prosperity and hope. We must also consider the economic and social injustices associated with the issue including the disproportionate impact by, for example, gender, class and ethnicity.

Well-designed, a green transition presents the opportunity to achieve this. Given the scale of the challenge there will be a lot of work to do; this opens up the potential to create hundreds of thousands of jobs and to giving people a genuine stake in society.

For instance, decarbonisation will require that we mobilise a workforce that’s capable of retrofitting and upgrading hundreds-of-thousands of homes – thereby employing thousands of people and having a material impact on many more's quality of life. Elsewhere, we will need to accelerate the transition to zero carbon transport infrastructure, by investing in electric vehicles and bringing our public transport systems up to 21st century standards. We will also need to explore less tangible ways of reducing people’s impact, for example by correctly market anomalies that make it harder for people to do the right thing.

Business as usual is running on borrowed time, and the window of opportunity for responding has narrowed. The International Panel on Climate Change has warned of serious consequences if global average temperatures rise beyond 1.5C. Given our historical emissions, the UK has a responsibility to demonstrate leadership and show how rapidly decarbonisation can be reconciled with improving people’s quality of life. This will require a revolution in political leadership, and the delivery of a coherent plan that tells the truth and puts people front and centre in how we respond.

Luke Murphy is an associate director at IPPR and head of its new Environmental Justice Commission and

 
 
 
 

As EU funding is lost, “levelling up” needs investment, not just rhetoric

Oh, well. Image: Getty.

Regional inequality was the foundation of Boris Johnson’s election victory and has since become one of the main focuses of his government. However, the enthusiasm of ministers championing the “levelling up” agenda rings hollow when compared with their inertia in preparing a UK replacement for European structural funding. 

Local government, already bearing the brunt of severe funding cuts, relies on European funding to support projects that boost growth in struggling local economies and help people build skills and find secure work. Now that the UK has withdrawn its EU membership, councils’ concerns over how EU funds will be replaced from 2021 are becoming more pronounced.

Johnson’s government has committed to create a domestic structural funding programme, the UK Shared Prosperity Fund (UKSPF), to replace the European Structural and Investment Fund (ESIF). However, other than pledging that UKSPF will “reduce inequalities between communities”, it has offered few details on how funds will be allocated. A public consultation on UKSPF promised by May’s government in 2018 has yet to materialise.

The government’s continued silence on UKSPF is generating a growing sense of unease among councils, especially after the failure of successive governments to prioritise investment in regional development. Indeed, inequalities within the UK have been allowed to grow so much that the UK’s poorest region by EU standards (West Wales & the Valleys) has a GDP of 68 per cent of the average EU GDP, while the UK’s richest region (Inner London) has a GDP of 614 per cent of the EU average – an intra-national disparity that is unique in Europe. If the UK had remained a member of the EU, its number of ‘less developed’ regions in need of most structural funding support would have increased from two to five in 2021-27: South Yorkshire, Tees Valley & Durham and Lincolnshire joining Cornwall & Isles of Scilly and West Wales & the Valley. Ministers have not given guarantees that any region, whether ‘less developed’ or otherwise, will obtain the same amount of funding under UKSPF to which they would have been entitled under ESIF.


The government is reportedly contemplating changing the Treasury’s fiscal rules so public spending favours programmes that reduce regional inequalities as well as provide value for money, but this alone will not rebalance the economy. A shared prosperity fund like UKSPF has the potential to be the master key that unlocks inclusive growth throughout the country, particularly if it involves less bureaucracy than ESIF and aligns funding more effectively with the priorities of local people. 

In NLGN’s Community Commissioning report, we recommended that this funding should be devolved to communities directly to decide local priorities for the investment. By enabling community ownership of design and administration, the UK government would create an innovative domestic structural funding scheme that promotes inclusion in its process as well as its outcomes.

NLGN’s latest report, Cultivating Local Inclusive Growth: In Practice, highlights the range of policy levers and resources that councils can use to promote inclusive growth in their area. It demonstrates that, through collaboration with communities and cross-sector partners, councils are already doing sterling work to enhance economic and social inclusion. Their efforts could be further enhanced with a fund that learns lessons from ESIF’s successes and flaws: a UKSPF that is easier to access, designed and delivered by local communities, properly funded, and specifically targeted at promoting social and economic inclusion in regions that need it most. “Getting Brexit done” was meant to free up the government’s time to focus once more on pressing domestic priorities. “Getting inclusive growth done” should be at the top of any new to-do list.

Charlotte Morgan is senior researcher at the New Local Government Network.