Signs of water plumes on Jupiter’s moon Europa suggest it might harbour life

Jupiter. Image: Getty.

Along with Mars, Jupiter’s moon Europa has long captured the imagination of science fiction writers as a potential place for life in the solar system beyond Earth. In science fact, missions have found hints of a subsurface water ocean below the icy crust of the moon. And where there’s warm, liquid water, and the right chemistry, there could indeed be life.

Finding out whether this is the case is not going to be easy though. One complicated and expensive solution would be landing on the moon and drilling a hole through the ice to sample the water beneath. But now research has thrown up a better option. The exciting results, published in Nature Astronomy, suggest there may be plumes emanating from Europa’s ocean – meaning a spacecraft could simply fly though them to test the water. The findings are important for the upcoming Europa Clipper missions and JUICE missions.

It’s not the first time it’s been suggested that there are geyser-like features on the moon. The Hubble Space Telescope saw transient signs of plumes from Europa’s subsurface ocean in 2012 and 2016. However, the result was controversial – the data was after all captured from far away (Hubble orbits the Earth). The new evidence instead comes from an actual flyby of Europa by the Galileo mission in 1997 – significantly strengthening the evidence that there are plumes on the moon.

We don’t know exactly how thick Europa’s ice shell is or how deep its subsurface ocean is. A 2011 study showed that there are locations where water may be relatively close to the surface in great lakes, near chopped up icy “chaos regions”, which are similar to some Antarctic structures on Earth.

Lessons from Enceladus

The Cassini mission to Saturn discovered huge plumes of water coming from the small moon Enceladus. The first hints were from magnetic field deflections and an abundance of charged particles in a certain region of the moon. We know that the dense gas of newly emerged molecules and atoms in a watery plume becomes charged (ionised) as electrons are knocked off. This makes it electrically conducting, causing changes to surrounding magnetic fields.

Enceladus’s south polar plumes, as seen by Cassini, 30 November 2010. Image: NASA/JPL-Caltech/Space Science Institute.

Next, the plumes were actually spotted in spectacular images, emanating from what looks like tiger stripes near the south pole. There is evidence from gravity measurements that the source is a subsurface ocean.

Cassini flew past Enceladus 22 times, enabling exploration of the plumes ejected directly from the ocean below. As well as simple water, ions and charged grains in the plumes, Cassini found sodium – a sign that the ocean is salty. It also found silicates, which indicate a sandy ocean floor and potentially the existence of hydrothermal vents.

This is important as chemical reactions between sand and water can provide enough energy in the water to feed microbial life (and tends to happen near hydrothermal vents on Earth). Finally, in 2107, Cassini also discovered hydrogen in the plumes, which should be a byproduct of such water-sand reactions. This is as close as you can get to a proof that it is a suitable candidate to host life.

Following these exciting discoveries, the hunt was on for plumes at Europa. Based on the Hubble measurements, estimates in 2012 showed that the amount of water released in the Europa plumes could be a factor 30 times that of Enceladus. The plumes appeared to have a height of some 200km. Like Enceladus, the floor of Europa’s ocean is likely in contact with sand and rock. This is in contrast to some other moons with subsurface oceans – including Ganymede and Callisto – where the ocean floor is ice.

In the new study, magnetometer data from a Galileo flyby less than 400km above Europa’s icy surface was reexamined and compared with a modern computer model of how charged gas on Europa should behave. The results – based on an observed deflection and decrease in the observed magnetic field over a distance of 1,000km – imply that there’s a dense region of charged particles. This is very likely to be the result of a plume, making it the best direct evidence for such an occurence yet.

Upcoming missions

As with Enceladus, the Europa plumes offer the tantalising prospect of directly sampling material from the subsurface ocean. Two future missions will be able to explore this. The European Space Agency’s JUICE mission, which I am involved in developing, is due to launch in 2022 and will arrive in the Jupiter system on 2030. Two close flybys of Europa are planned as part of a sequence, before going into orbit around the moon Ganymede in 2032.

NASA’s Europa Clipper will perform 45 flybys of Europa. Both these missions can explore the plumes in the same way the Cassini orbiter did at Enceladus. Following these, landers or penetrators at Europa have been proposed (but yet to secure funding). In the meantime, sampling the plumes could provide many exciting insights into what’s going on in the ocean. If we are really lucky we may even be able to detect signatures of biological activity. Unfortunately, Cassini was not equipped to look for such signatures at Enceladus.

Image: NASA/JPL-Caltech/SETI Institute.

This means there are now four likely locations for life beyond Earth in our solar systems. First Mars, where conditions were right for life to form 3.8bn years ago. We will explore this further with the ExoMars 2020 rover, which I am also involved in developing. This will be able to drill up to two metres underneath the surface to search for biomarkers, as well as the NASA Mars 2020 rover and the related helicopter recently announced.

But on Europa and Enceladus there could actually be life now, and sampling the plumes will help reveal whether this is the case. At Saturn’s moon Titan, we have also found signs of complex prebiotic chemistry that once gave rise to life on Earth. This means it is a location for future or perhaps current life.

As well as the planned missions to Mars and Europa, it is therefore also important that we also return to the Saturn system to track down where there may be life elsewhere. NASA’s Dragonfly quadcopter proposed for Titan is one possibility.

The ConversationWith so many promising candidates for life in our own solar system, it is exciting to think that it could be just a few years until we discover some form of microbial alien life.

Andrew Coates, Professor of Physics, Deputy Director (Solar System) at the Mullard Space Science Laboratory, UCL.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

 
 
 
 

How the rise of anti-crime politics caused lasting harm to Black Americans

"I see an awareness that has developed in the Black community in the last 10 years or so about how deeply racist the criminal justice system has become," James Forman Jr. says. (David McNew/Getty Images)

The police killing of George Floyd, and the protest movement that emerged from it, has reinvigorated a national conversation around reinventing criminal justice policy in the United States.

At the same time, reports that violent crime is rising in many US cities have resurrected talk of the much-disputed “Ferguson effect,” a theory put forward by law enforcement professionals, and some researchers, who argued that police slowdowns in the wake of the first wave of Black Lives Matter protests resulted in elevated rates of violent crime. President Donald Trump is trying to weaponise this narrative, paired with images of federal officers clashing with protesters in the streets of Portland, to wage a 1968-style backlash election campaign.

“People who want to mobilise a lock-them-up style of either policing or prosecution have tried to weaponise those short-term increases,” says James Forman Jr., professor of law at Yale Law School. “Criminologists will say you have to be very, very cautious about short-term movement [in crime statistics]. We don't know whether or not what we're seeing right now [with violent crime increasing] is going to sustain itself. But the fact is, it's here and people are talking about it.”

In 2018, Forman won the Pulitzer Prize in nonfiction for his book Locking Up Our Own: Crime and Punishment in Black America. Drawing on his experience as a public defender in Washington, DC, he traced the emergence of anti-crime politics in late 20th century Black communities. Forman showed how newly empowered Black politicians fought for policies they believed would protect and uplift Black Americans, but inadvertently contributed to mass incarceration. 


CityMetric recently caught up with Forman to discuss crime trends, where he sees reason for hope in this moment and how the Black political class’s attitude toward crime and punishment has shifted since the latter part of the 20th century. 

This interview has been edited and condensed. 

There is talk right now about a resurgence of crime and violence in American cities. We saw similar, more localised concerns after the initial 2015 Black Lives Matter protests in Ferguson and Baltimore. Do you fear this could reinvigorate the kind of politics you describe in your book among segments of the Black community and political class?

I fear that it could be reinvigorated nationally and also in the Black political class. Look at the political conversations that are happening in Atlanta right now, for example, a city that also has seen a short-term uptick in crime as it is a site of a lot of protests about George Floyd and Breonna Taylor on the national level, as well as Rayshard Brooks and Ahmaud Arbery more locally in Georgia.

I think that you can already see in some of the language of the local elected officials this idea that we have to be very careful about pulling back. [They are saying] “while the protesters may make some valid points, we can't risk returning to the ‘80s and ‘90s.” Those decades really traumatised the United States, and particularly traumatised Black communities. There's a deep fear about returning to the levels of the violence that we saw in the crack years.

You write a lot about class divides among Black Americans, where middle income and elite Black people don't suffer as much from extremely punitive policies. They also have closer ties to the politicians who are creating these policies. There are very specific groups of people, even in marginalised communities, whose voices are heard.  As a result of these dynamics, you write about Black politicians fighting for things like mandatory minimum prison sentences or against decriminalising marijuana. Is there still that disconnect between those who suffer the most from criminal justice policies and those who are actually heard in political discourse?  

Let me just say a caveat, that when we talk about class divisions in the Black community it's important to hold two truths in our head at the same time. Bruce Western and others have shown the way in which class, educational status, income can dramatically reduce the likelihood of being hardest hit by the criminal system – namely incarcerated. Middle class and upper middle class Black people get some measure of protection. It's also true at the same time that Black people of all classes are worse off relative to their class counterparts in the white community. 

One area where class is least protective is policing and police stops. The police do not know how many degrees you have. They don't know how much money you have in your bank account. I want to be very clear that in making this point about class, I'm not making the argument that race or racism don't matter in this context. 

In terms of how it plays out now, I see an awareness that has developed in the Black community in the last 10 years or so about how deeply racist the criminal justice system has become. Twenty or 30 years ago they had a consciousness, but there's levels of understanding. Many of the people I write about in the book wanted to promote the interests of the Black community. They weren't motivated by indifference or callousness. When presented with mounting evidence of how awful this system has been in Black lives, they're reconsidering and recalibrating. 

Lots of former elected officials have said to me some version of “I didn't know at the time and I appreciate that you showed us in our full complexity. I appreciate that you showed the pressures we were under. If I had known then what I know now, maybe I would have been less quick to go along with some of these harsh measures.” 

The second thing that has affected the Black political class has been the emerging movements, led by Black people in particular and led by young people. They not only educated leaders, but pressured them and made them understand that there is a political cost. If you're not moved by the moral argument, then you'll be moved by the political argument. You'll be moved by the people protesting outside the office of District Attorney Jackie Lacey in Los Angeles, for example, where Black Lives Matter LA has held, I believe, a year of consecutive protests against a Black district attorney who has had really some of the worst practices.

From what I can tell, she's been pressured by the movement to change some of her positions on important issues like prosecution of low-level drug offenders, for example, and the aggressiveness with which she prosecutes police officers for acts of violence.

What do you make of the calls to defend or even abolish the police?

What I find so compelling about abolition, initially in the prison context and extended to the police as well, is that it shifts the conversation and forces us to go through experiments in which we imagine what it would take to build that world. I think that exercise is very important, because it pushes us further than we are naturally inclined to go. Cultivating a broader imagination is an incredibly important part of this work, because as you know from my book, often it was lack of imagination that caused people to fall back on [punitive policies]. 

That's what caused D.C. Councilmember David Clarke to call the police rather than public health experts when he was overwhelmed with letters about heroin addicts in public space. He was anti-drug war, but he couldn't imagine responding to a call for help with heroin addicts with anything other than police. That's a very common move from even really good and progressive people. 

People who are for defunding, for abolition, are absolutely right about reinvesting that money into alternative structures that support communities. But the reinvestment part doesn't follow naturally from the terms. We might want to come up with a term that captures the new stuff we want to do. I think that's particularly important because one of the reasons Black communities have ended up supporting more police is that Black communities have always wanted their fair share of the resources.

Then, the evidence suggests the United States has too many police officers doing prophylactic, preventative, or stop-and-frisk style policing. The style of policing that leads to district level harassment, pulling people over for no reason. But we have too little investment in the parts of police departments that investigate unsolved crimes. I'm talking about the investigator or the detective who comes to your house after there's been a robbery, an assault, a rape, or homicide. 

As compared to European countries, in the United States we actually underinvest in those parts of our police departments. Jill Leovy’s book Ghettoside shows this in dramatic detail. She describes an LAPD that's stopping and frisking Black drivers wantonly and yet the homicide detectives are still relying on a fax machine and the fax machine is broken. They have to go with their own money to Staples to buy a printer. Meanwhile, other aspects of the department are kitted out in this ridiculous riot gear that makes them look like they're in Fallujah. 

That under investment is particularly damaging to Black communities because we're disproportionately victimised by crime. Because of racism and this allocation of resources, the police are less likely to respond in Black communities. The kids I used to work with in the charter schools in DC, we talk about no snitching, but one of the reasons they would never call the police after they'd been victimised by crime is they would say, “They're not even going to come. You're wasting time.” 

I did a Q&A with Jill Leovy too and her argument is one I've struggled to articulate in our present moment. She argues the state doesn't have a monopoly on violence in low-income Black neighbourhoods, because investigations of violence are deemphasised and crime victims or their loved ones often take retribution into their own hands.  But right now, establishing or preserving the state's monopoly on violence isn't an appealing talking point. 

Yes, this is another thing nobody's talking about. Whatever we're going to do instead of the police has to be accountable to the public. The best, most direct way to have accountability is to have the individuals be public employees. As long as we have 300 million guns in this country at least some of those state employees are going to themselves be armed. It's unreasonable to ask them to do the job without it. Not as many need to be armed as are armed now, but some of them need to be. But they can't be hiding behind union contracts or civil service protections which make it impossible to remove even the worst performing, most abusive officers. 

We can not call them police if we want to. That's semantic, but maybe symbolism matters. But those people have to be state employees. They can work with community-based nonprofits, but there are also communities that don't have as robust of a nonprofit network, and they deserve protection too. These [community] groups have to be accountable to the state and, when they don't exist, the state has to be there. 

Progressives get all the points I just made when it's applied to education. The notion that things be public and accountable to the state is understood when it comes to schools. It's exactly why so many people on the left are opposed to charter schools, because they say they don't have public accountability. They want these things to be a state function. But this point about the difficulty in removing this entirely from the hands of the state is, I think, one that liberals and progressives understand from other contexts.

Jake Blumgart is a staff writer at CityMetric.