So does increasing productivity really destroy jobs?

An automated car factory. Image: Getty.

There’s been a lot of debate about productivity in the last couple of mnonths, off the back of our new report on the ‘long tail’. In and amongst this discussion, one thorny question that has been raised is whether improving productivity is bad for inclusive growth. In particular, do improvements in productivity come at the cost of jobs?

The concern about these issues is understandable – in some sectors, improvements in productivity have come through the introduction of machines which destroy jobs. Manufacturing is a case in point. There are many fewer people employed in manufacturing today than in the past – 4m, which is 60 per cent fewer than 1978. What is less well known, however, is that the amount that UK manufacturing produces has actually gone up in that period by 17 per cent, as a result of improvements to productivity.

There are two reasons why productivity improvements don’t mean job losses across the economy. The first is that, while the sectors that have been responsible for productivity growth in recent years have not been directly responsible for jobs growth, they have spurred employment in other sectors. As the chart below shows, ‘exporting’ sectors (those that sell to a regional, national or international market), for example in the manufacturing and finance sectors, have seen large productivity growth but a fall in employment.

Those sectors that have been responsible for employment growth, on the other hand, tend to be local services: accommodation and food services, and arts, recreation and entertainment. These firms, as our briefing shows, have seen little or no productivity growth in recent decades. The one clear exception to this is information and communications, which has managed to provide both productivity and employment growth.

But the performance of these sectors is linked. While exporting businesses don’t create jobs directly, research suggests that the wage-increases they create through productivity growth also increases demand for local services, which in turn boosts employment in these sectors. This is known as the multiplier effect.

Growth in productivity and jobs, 1990-2017. Source: ONS.

The second reason is that these fears are based on what the economy looks like today, rather than what it will be tomorrow. Different sectors grow and decline through time; and it’s the rise of new sectors that historically have more than replaced jobs lost in those declining ones.

Looking at 100 years of economic development in UK cities, as we did in Cities Outlook 2018, shows this. There have been huge changes in the economy over that period, including large increases in productivity and an unabated rise of automation. Despite this, there are 60 per cent more jobs in urban Britain today than there were in 1911. And few would argue that we aren’t better off than our great-grandparents.


Increases in productivity may well mean that jobs decline in some sectors. It’s easy to envisage that retail will employ fewer people in 10 years’ time than it does today. But these productivity improvements also create new opportunities, new types of economic activity and new jobs. And they ultimately lead to improvements in standards of living – again, compare life in 1911 to today.

While this is good for the economy overall, it obviously isn’t good for individuals who lose their jobs as a result of these changes. The challenge, then, for policy makers, is not only to address the UK’s poor recent productivity performance – it is to ensure that people who miss out can benefit from the new jobs that this growth would create.

Paul Swinney is head of policy & research at the Centre for Cities, on whose blog this article first appeared.

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America's cities can't police their way out of this crisis

Police deployed tear gas during anti-racism demonstrations in Los Angeles over the weekend. (Mario Tama/Getty Images)

As protesters took to the streets across the United States over the weekend to express their anger at police killings of unarmed black Americans, it was hard to miss the hypocrisy coming from local authorities – including the otherwise progressive, left-leaning officials who are in power in most major American cities. 

Many US mayors and their police chiefs had issued public statements over the past week that seemed – only briefly, as it turned out – to signal a meaningful shift in the extent to which the Black Lives Matters movement is being taken seriously by those who are in a position to enact reforms. 

The sheer depravity of the most recent high-profile killing had left little room for equivocation. George Floyd, 46, died last Monday under the knee of white Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin, while three additional officers helped to hold Floyd down, doing nothing to aid him as he begged for them to stop and eventually lost consciousness. The officers had been attempting to arrest Floyd on suspicion of having used a counterfeit $20 bill at a deli. All four have since been fired, and Chauvin was arrested Friday on charges of third-degree murder and second-degree manslaughter. 

“The lack of compassion, use of excessive force, or going beyond the scope of the law, doesn’t just tarnish our badge—it tears at the very fabric of race relations in this country,” Los Angeles Police Chief Michel Moore told the Washington Post in response to the Floyd case. Meanwhile Moore’s boss, Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti, on Friday claimed that he understood why his city, which is no stranger to police brutality, was protesting. “We absolutely need as a nation, certainly as a city, to voice our outrage, it’s our patriotic duty to not only stand up for George Floyd but for everybody who has been killed unnecessarily, who’s been murdered for the structural racism that we have in our country,” Garcetti said. 

Normally, US police chiefs and mayors tend to ask citizens to withhold judgment on these types of cases until full investigations can be completed. But a 10-minute video recording of Floyd’s killing had made what happened plain. Police chiefs across the country – and even the nation’s largest police union, which is notorious for defending officer abuses – similarly condemned the actions of the Minneapolis officers, in a rare show of moral clarity that, combined with the arrest of Chauvin, offered at least a glimmer of hope that this time things might be different. 

As the events of the weekend have since shown, that glimmer was all too fleeting. 

In city after city over the past three days, US mayors and their police chiefs made a series of the same decisions – starting with the deployment of large, heavily armed riot units – that ultimately escalated violent confrontations between officers and protesters. Images widely shared on social media Saturday and Sunday nights made it clear that members of law enforcement were often initiating the worst of the violence, and appeared to treat protesters as enemy combatants, rather than citizens they were sworn to protect. 


In New York City, two police SUVs were seen plowing into a crowd of protesters, while elsewhere an officer was recorded pulling down a young protester’s coronavirus mask in order to pepper spray his face

In Louisville, the city where Breonna Taylor, a 26-year-old black woman was fatally shot by police on 13 March, state police in riot gear were captured confiscating and destroying protesters’ supplies

In Minneapolis, forces opened fire with nonlethal rounds on residential streets, much to the shock of homeowners standing on their own front porches. 

Images of police pushing or shoving peaceful protesters were almost too numerous to count, including, in Salt Lake City, an elderly man with a cane

In many places, police also targeted journalists who were covering the protests, firing at clearly identifiable media crews with rubber bullets, injuring and even arresting reporters

Some protesters did commit acts of vandalism and looting, and the leaders of cities where that happened generally responded in the same ways. 

First, they blamed “outside agitators” for the worst protester behaviour, a claim that harkens all the way back to the civil rights era and for which the evidence is murky at best

Next, they enacted sudden curfews with little to no warning, which gave law enforcement an excuse to make mass arrests, in some cases violently. 

In a pair of widely criticized moves, Garcetti of Los Angeles closed the city’s Covid-19 testing centers and suspended the entire mass transit system Saturday evening, stranding essential workers on their way home from daytime shifts. Late Sunday night in Chicago, the city’s public school system halted its free meal distribution service for low-income children, citing “the evolving nature of activity across the city”.  

Governors in at least 12 US states, in coordination with city leaders, have since called in National Guard troops to “help”. 

At this point it’s clear that the leaders of America’s cities are in desperate need of a radically different playbook to respond to these protests. A heavily armed, militarised response to long-simmering anger toward the heavily armed, militarised approach to American policing is more than ironic – it’s ineffective. Granting police officers wider latitude to make arrests via curfews also seems destined to increase the chances of precisely the tragic, racially biased outcomes to which the protesters are reacting. 

There are other options. In places such as Flint, Michigan, and Camden, New Jersey – both poor cities home to large black populations – local law enforcement officials chose to put down their weapons and march alongside protesters, rather than face off against them. In the case of Camden, that the city was able to avoid violent clashes is in no small part related to the fact that it took the drastic step of disbanding its former police department altogether several years ago, replacing it with an entirely new structure. 

America’s cities are in crisis, in more ways than one. It’s not a coincidence that the country has tipped into chaos following months of emotionally draining stay-at-home orders and job losses that now top 40 million. Low-income Americans of colour have borne a disproportionate share of the pandemic’s ravages, and public health officials are already worried about the potential for protests to become Covid-19 super-spreading events.

All of this has of course been spurred on by the US president, who in addition to calling Sunday for mayors and governors to “get tough” on protesters, has made emboldening white nationalists his signature. Notably, Trump didn’t call on officials to get tough on the heavily armed white protesters who stormed the Michigan Capitol building over coronavirus stay-at-home orders just a few weeks ago. 

US mayors and their police chiefs have publicly claimed that they do understand – agree with, even – the anger currently spilling out onto their streets. But as long as they continue to respond to that anger by deploying large numbers of armed and armored law enforcement personnel who do not actually live in the cities they serve, who appear to be more outraged by property damage and verbal insults than by the killings of black Americans at the hands of their peers, and who are enmeshed in a dangerously violent and racist policing culture that perceives itself to be the real victim, it is hard to see how this crisis will improve anytime soon. 

Sommer Mathis is the editor of CityMetric.