Can an algorithm predict which businesses will close?

A closed store in New York City. Image: Getty.

Over the past decade, changes in the way people shop have led more and more businesses to close their doors, from small music venues to book shops and even major department stores. This trend has been attributed to several factors, including a shift towards online shopping and changing spending preferences. But business closures are complex, and often due to many intertwined factors.

To better understand and account for some of these factors, my colleagues at the University of Cambridge and Singapore Management University and I built a machine learning model, which predicted shop closures in ten cities around the world with 80 per cent accuracy.

Our research modelled how people move through urban areas, to predict whether a given business will close down. This research could help city authorities and business owners to make better decisions, for example about licensing agreements and opening hours.

Pattern spotting

Machine learning is a powerful tool which can automatically identify patterns in data. A machine learning model uses those patterns to tests hypotheses and make predictions. Social media provides a rich source of data to examine the patterns of its users through their posts, interactions and movements. The detail in these datasets can help researchers to build robust models, with a complex understanding of user trends.

Using data about consumer demand and transport, along with ground-truth data on whether businesses actually closed, we devised metrics which our machine learning model used to identify patterns. We then analysed how well this model predicted whether a business would close, given only metrics about that business and the area it was in.

Our first dataset was from Foursquare, a location recommendation platform, which included check-in details of anonymous users and represented the demand for businesses over time. We also used data from taxis trajectories, which gave us the pickup and drop-off points of thousands of anonymous users; these represented dynamics of how people move between different areas of a city. We used historic data from 2011 to 2013.

Taxiiii! Image: Sunset Noir/Flickr/creative commons.

We looked at a few different metrics. The neighbourhood profile took into account the area surrounding a business, such as the different kinds of businesses also operating, as well as competition. Customer visit patterns represented how popular a business was at any given time of day, compared with its local competitors. And business attributes defined basic properties such as the price bracket and type of business.

These three metrics enabled us to model how closure predictions differ between new and established venues, how the predictions varied across cities and which metrics were the most significant predictors of closure. We were able to predict the closure of established businesses more accurately, which suggested that new businesses can face closure from a bigger variety of causes.


Making predictions

We found that different metrics were useful for predicting closures in different cities. But across the ten cities in our experiment – Chicago, London, New York, Singapore, Helsinki, Jakarta, Los Angeles, Paris, San Fransciso and Tokyo – we saw that three factors were almost always significant predictors of a business’s closure.

The first important factor was the range of time during which a business was popular. We found that businesses which cater to only specific customer segments – for example, a café popular with office workers at lunchtime – are more likely to close. It also mattered when a business was popular, compared with its competitors in the neighbourhood. Businesses that were popular outside of the typical hours of other businesses in the area tended to survive longer.

We also found that when the diversity of businesses declined, the likelihood of closure increased. So businesses located in neighbourhoods with a more diverse mix of businesses tended to survive longer.

Of course, like any dataset, the information we used from Foursquare and taxis is biased in some ways, as the users may be skewed towards certain demographics or check in to some types of businesses more than others. But by using two datasets which target different kinds of users, we hoped to mitigate those biases. And the consistency of our analysis across multiple cities gave us confidence in our results.

We hope that this novel approach to predicting business closures with highly detailed datasets will help reveal new insights about how consumers move around cities, and inform the decisions of business owners, local authorities and urban planners right around the world.

The Conversation

Krittika D'Silva, PhD Candidate, University of Cambridge.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

 
 
 
 

In New Zealand, climate change is driving an eco-nationalist revival

The green and pleasant land of the South Island. Image: Getty.

“Ten years ago I would have called them settler f*****g land squatters,” Mike Smith, Maori-dom’s most tenacious activist, said last November as he reflected on the agriculture industry’s central role in driving climate change. “Now I have to try and get these people on board.”

Smith is infamous for taking a chainsaw to Auckland’s most prominent tree on a damp October night in 1994 in protest of the “Pākehā” – or white European –dominated government’s fiscal envelope restraining treaty settlements. Now he’s turned his hand to another cause close-to-home for the Maori, New Zealand’s indigenous population: the environment.

“We’re super vulnerable, like we are to anything,” Smith says. “When it comes to climate change it’s like the poorest people in the world are going to be hit the hardest first, and that’s a lot of us.”

Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern appears, at least rhetorically, the most sympathetic leader to his cause in a decade. In her campaign launch speech late last year, she made the future government’s position clear: “Climate change is my generation’s nuclear free moment.”

This message should resonate with followers of her Labour party: the NZ left has long nurtured an environment-orientated “culture-of-protest”. So Ardern’s call to arms was bound to gain her loyal support among children of the 1960s and ‘70s, who led the march against nuclear ship visits, spurring on the government of the time to wriggle out from the US nuclear umbrella, and place a ban on foreign nuclear ship visits.

Now, it is to the tycoons of deep sea oil exploration they aim to close NZ’s ports.

In this, Smith is not short of support locally, with marches run by grassroots organisations and international animal welfare funds beginning to gain traction with every day New Zealanders. In this, Ardern’s prediction is correct: the Coal Action Network Aotearoa (CANA), is reminiscent of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), an earlier cluster of left-wing pacifists and nature lovers who drove the creation of the nuclear free zone.  

In December, 15,000 passionate protesters marched through the capital. And with the government’s recent ban of offshore oil exploration projects, Jeanette Fitzsimons, former Green party co-leader and the head of CANA, is optimistic about similar change to the energy and farming sectors.

The Labour-NZ First-Green party coalition seems focused on setting a new global precedent, weaning NZ away from a United States which has jettisoned the Paris Agreement. The move replicates another 20 years ago, when New Zealand’s anti-nuclear movement was central to an upsurge in New Zealand nationalism. Now, the same sense of going it alone on foreign policy is apparent both locally and in Parliament.

Dr. Gradon Diprose, a senior lecturer at Massey University, argues that this echoes an older expression of colonial nationalism, that saw “New Zealand as a land of natural abundance”. This: “eco-nationalism” is centered on “protecting certain visions of picturesque landscapes and unspoiled natural beauty”. The slogan “Clean, green New Zealand” is prevalent in popular culture and tourism marketing. The public seems to have latched onto it too, and ranked keeping NZ’s waterways “clean and green” top of a recent survey of of kiwis’ top concerns.

Three decades ago, it was the 10 July 1985 sinking of the Greenpeace flagship Rainbow Warrior that thrust local activists’ fears into the public eye, resulting in an almost nation-wide expression of climate-protectionism.


The bombing, a French intelligence operation sparked by Greenpeace’s calls for an end to foreign nuclear testing in the Pacific, galvanised a great deal of change to New Zealand’s overseas defence policies. A lack of censure from New Zealand’s Western allies drove Wellington to distance itself from the United States, while the shock of seeing a friendly nation violate NZ’s sovereignty left many at home seething.

Thirty years on, the foreign policy split throughout the Anglosphere, regarding Russian-Western relations, globalism, and the old international rules-based order, is becoming wider. Climate change is just the tip of the iceberg.

Most Kiwis you talk to will shake their heads in disapproval at US president Donald Trump’s scandalous outing last year in Helsinki. But US defiance of internationally brokered climate resolutions is something they can see clearly reflected in rural communities across the country.

The country saw records broken at both ends of the extreme weather spectrum last year. As 2018 kicked off, Kiwis sweltered through the hottest summer on record, while in Golden Bay, a small inlet near the northern tip of the South Island, residents endured the largest flood in 150 years. So, when President Trump tweets “So much for Global Warming”, the majority of New Zealanders look back fondly on NZ’s 1985 decision to boycott the “ANZUS” treaty, putting New Zealand at odds with its war-time ally America on defence legislation.

Public calls to take the same track on environmental regulation have become louder in the wake of Donald Trump’s election. The former US Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, received a frosty “unwelcome” while on a flyby to the capital in 2017, with the New York Times’ Washington correspondent, Gardiner Harris remarking: “I’ve never seen so many people flip the bird at an American motorcade as I saw today”. Protests against President Trump’s stance on climate change are beginning to gain greater traction further still, with the hundred-strong “march for science” setting the tone for the new government later that year.

New Zealand certainly isn’t afraid of radicalism, and its activists are persistent. It’s already banned single use plastics in supermarkets. Plenty more is to come, Smith says.

And yes, reform is going to inhibit sometimes vital industries: “It doesn’t matter which way you spin the dice on this, whatever’s being done is going to hurt. People who are looking for a painless way of mitigating climate change, [but] I don’t think there is one.”

But among Smith’s troupe of climate agitators, the feeling is that, without drastic change, “the land”, the heart of the Maori ethos, is going to be hurt far more.

Back in Auckland, NZ’s financial hub, an electric scooter craze is gripping the city. This, too, has gained the support of local environmentalists. In New Zealand, a national sense of pride is always coupled with a certain eccentricity. In a country this size, change always starts small.