In pictures: the bridges of Baghdad

A US soldier sits on the rear of a military vehicle as it cruises on a bridge over the Tigris river while patrolling the streets of Baghdad, 13 May 2003. Image: AFP/Getty.

Seven years in the making; 12 volumes; 2.6m words – today, Sir John Chilcot finally published his long-awaited report into the 2003 Iraq War.

You almost certainly haven't read it. Moreover, what you've read about it is depressingly unlikely to have changed your views, either of the war or of Tony Blair's role in it.

So here, instead, are some photographs of Iraqi bridges, before, during and after the conflict. They'll all expand, if you click.

The Shadhu Bridge, across the River Tigris, in 1932. Image: AFP/Getty.


An aerial view of Baghdad, 1935. Image: AFP/Getty.


King Faisel's Bridge, Baghdad, 1941. Image: AFP/Getty.


The locals in Samawa, 250km south of Baghdad, use boats to cross the Euphrates in February 1991, after the bridge was destroyed in the first Gulf War. Image: STR/Getty.



 Iraqis walk across a bridge into Baghdad 13 April 2003, four days after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime. Image: AFP/Getty.



 Iraqi men bathe in water leaking from a pipe under a damaged bridge May 5, 2003 in Baghdad. Image: Getty.


Iraqi men cross a bridge, repaired after suffering damage during the war to topple Saddam Hussein, 07 June 2003 in Baghdad. Image: Getty.


A US Army boat passes a bridge, damaged in the war in Tikrit, about 180 km north of Baghdad, in July 2003. Image: AFP/Getty.


US soldiers secure the area around the Al-Jamuria Bridge near the former presidential palace, following a protest by former Iraqi government workers demanding back pay, 7 October 2003. Image: AFP/Getty.


Protestors cross a bridge in Baquba, 60km northeast of Baghdad, to demand the release of Iraqi prisoners of war in Iran, 10 August 2003. Image: AFP/Getty.


An Iraqi girl at the newly re-oppened 14th of July bridge in Baghdad, 25 October 2003. Image: AFP/Getty.


 A traffic policeman sits inside a damaged booth at the edge of a deserted bridge in central Baghdad, 14 December 2005, one day before the country's general election. Image: AFP/Getty.



A growing number of voters will never own their own home. Why is the government ignoring them?

A lettings agent window. Image: Getty.

The dream of a property-owning democracy continues to define British housing policy. From Right-to-Buy to Help-to-Buy, policies are framed around the model of the ‘first-time buyer’ and her quest for property acquisition. The goal of Philip Hammond’s upcoming budget – hailed as a major “intervention” in the “broken” housing market – is to ensure that “the next generation will have the same opportunities as their parents to own a home.”

These policies are designed for an alternative reality. Over the last two decades, the dream of the property-owning democracy has come completely undone. While government schemes used to churn out more home owners, today it moves in reverse.

Generation Rent’s new report, “Life in the Rental Sector”, suggests that more Britons are living longer in the private rental sector. We predict the number of ‘silver renters’ – pensioners in the private rental sector – will rise to one million by 2035, a three-fold increase from today.

These renters have drifted way beyond the dream of home ownership: only 11 per cent of renters over 65 expect to own a home. Our survey results show that these renters are twice as likely than renters in their 20s to prefer affordable rental tenure over homeownership.

Lowering stamp duty or providing mortgage relief completely miss the point. These are renters – life-long renters – and they want rental relief: guaranteed tenancies, protection from eviction, rent inflation regulation.

The assumption of a British ‘obsession’ with homeownership – which has informed so much housing policy over the years – stands on flimsy ground. Most of the time, it is based on a single survey question: Would you like to rent a home or own a home? It’s a preposterous question, of course, because, well, who wouldn’t like to own a home at a time when the chief economist of the Bank of England has made the case for homes as a ‘better bet’ for retirement than pensions?

Here we arrive at the real toxicity of the property-owning dream. It promotes a vicious cycle: support for first-time buyers increases demand for home ownership, fresh demand raises house prices, house price inflation turns housing into a profitable investment, and investment incentives stoke preferences for home ownership all over again.

The cycle is now, finally, breaking. Not without pain, Britons are waking up to the madness of a housing policy organised around home ownership. And they are demanding reforms that respect renting as a life-time tenure.

At the 1946 Conservative Party conference, Anthony Eden extolled the virtues of a property-owning democracy as a defence against socialist appeal. “The ownership of property is not a crime or a sin,” he said, “but a reward, a right and responsibility that must be shared as equitable as possible among all our citizens.”

The Tories are now sleeping in the bed they have made. Left out to dry, renters are beginning to turn against the Conservative vision. The election numbers tell the story of this left-ward drift of the rental sector: 29 per cent of private renters voted Labour in 2010, 39 in 2015, and 54 in June.

Philip Hammond’s budget – which, despite its radicalism, continues to ignore the welfare of this rental population – is unlikely to reverse this trend. Generation Rent is no longer simply a class in itself — it is becoming a class for itself, as well.

We appear, then, on the verge of a paradigm shift in housing policy. As the demographics of the housing market change, so must its politics. Wednesday’s budget signals that even the Conservatives – the “party of homeownership” – recognise the need for change. But it only goes halfway.

The gains for any political party willing to truly seize the day – to ditch the property-owning dream once and for all, to champion a property-renting one instead – are there for the taking. 

David Adler is a research association at the campaign group Generation Rent.

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