20 photos which prove that hosting the Olympics is a great way to regenerate a city

Oh. Athens' canoeing and kayaking venue, as of 2014. Image: Getty.

Barcelona is the largest city on the Mediterranean – but until the 1980s, it largely ignored its coastline, a drab industrial zone, cut off from the city by a stretch of urban motorway.

Hosting the 1992 Olympics was a great opportunity to change all that. The city cleaned up the waterfront, installed two miles of beaches, and got Frank Gehry to design this sculpture:

Gehry's "Peix d'Or" sculpture. Image: Till Niermann/Wikimedia Commons.

Today, thanks to the Olympics, Barcelona's waterfront is a key element of the city's appeal to tourists and business travellers alike. The city's Olympic athletics park, halfway up Mont Juic, is still in use today, too:

Bacelona's Olympic Park in 2004. Image: Madalvarez/Wikimedia Commons.


To host the 2012 games, London turned a derelict industrial area into a vast new waterfront park. It’s since turned the athletes village into new residential and commercial area, the East Village. Here’s a new resident moving in in 2013:

The area even got its own postcode, E20 – though some of the street names are a bit on the obnoxious side:


When Berlin hosted the 1936 Olympics, the sports-loving Nazis decided to build the vast new Olympiastadion:

Image: Bundesarchive.

Remarkably, 80 largely uneventul years later, the stadium is still standing:

Image: Wolfgang 26/Wikimedia Commons.


Sarajevo hosted the 1984 Winter Olympics. Here's a photograph of the ski jumping venue, 30 years later:

And here's the bob sleigh run:


Of course, Sarajevo was at the centre of the Bosnian War between 1992 and 1995, so its Olympic Park received unusually heavy bombing. Athens managed to achieve much the same effect without the assistance of a horrific civil war.

The Greek capital spent €9 billion hosting the summer Olympics in 2004. It was all worth it, though: here’s a picture of the aquatic centre, ten years on:

And here’s the beach volleyball stadium:

This is the pool in the athletes village:

And here's a view of the canoe and kayak slalom. There's another at the top of the page:

Not even sure what this one is. Seriously, not a clue.


The 2008 Beijing Olympics had five different Olympic mascots, each a different Olympic colour, each representing one of the traditional Chinese elements, and each reflecting a particular “wish”.

JingJing, for example, was a panda representing the forest. He is black and his wish is happiness.

Nini is a green swallow, representing the sky, while Yingying is a yellow Tibetan antelope, representing the earth. They represent good luck and good health respectively. As you can probably tell:


Beibei is a blue fish, symbolising water and prosperity.


Last but not least, there's Huanhuan, who as you can clearly see represents fire and the passion of sport. He isn't an animal, but the embodiment of the Olympic spirit. Look:



All these mascots were photographed lying face down behind an abandoned, half-constructed mall, which is definitely not a metaphor for anything. Neither is the fact that their pal Fu Niu Lele, the mascot of the 2008 Paralympic games, was lying nearby:



Still, I'm sure everything in Rio will work out just fine.

Jonn Elledge is the editor of CityMetric. He is on Twitter, far too much, as @jonnelledge.

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Unless specified, all images courtesy of Getty.


A growing number of voters will never own their own home. Why is the government ignoring them?

A lettings agent window. Image: Getty.

The dream of a property-owning democracy continues to define British housing policy. From Right-to-Buy to Help-to-Buy, policies are framed around the model of the ‘first-time buyer’ and her quest for property acquisition. The goal of Philip Hammond’s upcoming budget – hailed as a major “intervention” in the “broken” housing market – is to ensure that “the next generation will have the same opportunities as their parents to own a home.”

These policies are designed for an alternative reality. Over the last two decades, the dream of the property-owning democracy has come completely undone. While government schemes used to churn out more home owners, today it moves in reverse.

Generation Rent’s new report, “Life in the Rental Sector”, suggests that more Britons are living longer in the private rental sector. We predict the number of ‘silver renters’ – pensioners in the private rental sector – will rise to one million by 2035, a three-fold increase from today.

These renters have drifted way beyond the dream of home ownership: only 11 per cent of renters over 65 expect to own a home. Our survey results show that these renters are twice as likely than renters in their 20s to prefer affordable rental tenure over homeownership.

Lowering stamp duty or providing mortgage relief completely miss the point. These are renters – life-long renters – and they want rental relief: guaranteed tenancies, protection from eviction, rent inflation regulation.

The assumption of a British ‘obsession’ with homeownership – which has informed so much housing policy over the years – stands on flimsy ground. Most of the time, it is based on a single survey question: Would you like to rent a home or own a home? It’s a preposterous question, of course, because, well, who wouldn’t like to own a home at a time when the chief economist of the Bank of England has made the case for homes as a ‘better bet’ for retirement than pensions?

Here we arrive at the real toxicity of the property-owning dream. It promotes a vicious cycle: support for first-time buyers increases demand for home ownership, fresh demand raises house prices, house price inflation turns housing into a profitable investment, and investment incentives stoke preferences for home ownership all over again.

The cycle is now, finally, breaking. Not without pain, Britons are waking up to the madness of a housing policy organised around home ownership. And they are demanding reforms that respect renting as a life-time tenure.

At the 1946 Conservative Party conference, Anthony Eden extolled the virtues of a property-owning democracy as a defence against socialist appeal. “The ownership of property is not a crime or a sin,” he said, “but a reward, a right and responsibility that must be shared as equitable as possible among all our citizens.”

The Tories are now sleeping in the bed they have made. Left out to dry, renters are beginning to turn against the Conservative vision. The election numbers tell the story of this left-ward drift of the rental sector: 29 per cent of private renters voted Labour in 2010, 39 in 2015, and 54 in June.

Philip Hammond’s budget – which, despite its radicalism, continues to ignore the welfare of this rental population – is unlikely to reverse this trend. Generation Rent is no longer simply a class in itself — it is becoming a class for itself, as well.

We appear, then, on the verge of a paradigm shift in housing policy. As the demographics of the housing market change, so must its politics. Wednesday’s budget signals that even the Conservatives – the “party of homeownership” – recognise the need for change. But it only goes halfway.

The gains for any political party willing to truly seize the day – to ditch the property-owning dream once and for all, to champion a property-renting one instead – are there for the taking. 

David Adler is a research association at the campaign group Generation Rent.

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